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EN
The article focuses on growing presence of Polish labour immigrants in contemporary European cinema and TV fiction. Striking differences are observed between pre¬ 1989 and post¬ 1989 productions on the subject of labour migration. Whereas older films tend to depict Polish job¬ seekers as unfortunate troublemakers, films set in the post¬ communist period seem to convey increased social interaction between newcomers and local people which need not be hostile. This is usually represented by a motif of an interethnic love story. As such, recent European productions depart from the traditional portrayal of immi-grants in post¬ war Polish film “as an anomaly from the norm and a problem for which somebody is to blame,” as Ewa Mazierska puts it (2009; 123). Similarly, post¬ 1989 represen-tations of Polish labour migrants in European cinema differ significantly from the image created in recent Polish drama series Londyńczycy (Londoners, 2008–2009) where stress is laid on the strong cohesive spirit within the Polish migrant community rather than the motif of a (happy) interethnic romance.
EN
Similar to Poland, Ukraine started itsmedia reform in early 90-s. However, different from Poland, media in Ukraine still did not become a true mediator between the authorities, the politicians and the society. This paper is a part of a bigger study 1 which purpose was to compare news framing in Polish and Ukrainian press in 2003 from the perspective of its possible impact on people’s engagement in public life. I traced the use of two news frames having a distinguished positive or negative impact on involvement, the attribution of responsibility and the powerlessness frame, in Ukrainian and Polish quality newspapers [Den’ and Dzerkalo Tyznia, Gazeta Wyborcza, Rzeczpospolita]. The paper concentrates on the Ukrainian media and analyses framing in the Ukrainian news. The results of the study presented here show that Polish newspapers more often enable citizens to participate in political decisions by critically scrutinizing the performance of their elected representatives in office. Different from them, Ukrainian news serve rather for concealment of the responsible policy-makers from public scrutiny, blurring the picture of political life and voicing public frustration with problems, which only contributes to the reproduction of people’s helplessness and passivity in public life.
EN
The aim of this article is to analyze the problem of civic and political participation in the postcommunist context from the perspective of contemporary democratic theory, the concept of democratic consolidation, and the thesis of the “weakness of civil society in post-communist countries.” It argues that the institutional approach to democratization and participation does not provide a full answer to the question of how democratic systems become consolidated and thus it needs to be supplemented by the cultural approach. The analysis of the patterns of democratic participation in post-communist countries, however, is further complicated by their background conditions, the burden of the communist past, and the model of democratization that they have undergone. Although it seems that a participatory, civil-society centred type of democratic politics would revitalize and strengthen democracy in post-communist countries, two questions-addressed in this article-arise. First, whether contemporary democratic theories shed enough light on the processes involved when it comes to a democratic change and democratic consolidation in the post-communist context, and second, whether a weak civic sphere is a major impediment to the development of a truly democratic system.
EN
The paper is focused on the definition of the Other in the discourse on Armenian national identity from 19th century onwards and, particularly, on its transformations after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It argues that with the collapse of the Soviet Union and establishment of Armenian statehood the image of the Turkey-Other or Turkey-Enemy of the Armenian nation, developed within the discursive project of the last two centuries, became challenged by the projects voting for the pragmatic interests of the Armenian statehood. The post-communist elites tend to revise the historical representation of the Ottoman period and to reformulate Turkey as a force the cooperation with which is “vital” for the successful development of the state. The problem of Turkey-other became the very point where the concepts of the state and nation clash.
EN
This article discusses an instance of case-specific self-inflicted partial media capture, acknowledging the chilling effect of legislation consistent with partial state capture. In general, this case illustrates the ethical and legal dilemmas in the reporting of a specific type of large-scale corruption in the media, which involves the denial of all accusations by most sources and a controversial stand by state authorities and politicians on the issue, forcing the media to primarily report rumors or contradictory claims and denials (after controversial files regarding the corruption were made public anonymously on the internet) or desist from reporting altogether (before the files were made public on the internet, due to possible libel threats). The findings question the normative expectations expressed in democratic theory related to the role of the media as a watchdog, in the specific context of large-scale corruption in post-communist states. Moreover, this paper suggests the need to re-examine the methodological aspects of quantitative content analysis of media coverage of corruption. This paper has also attempted to update the emerging theory on media capture with the term partial case-specific media capture.
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