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EN
This paper explores the notion of “power” prevalent in Václav Havel’s understanding of the post-totalitarian regime. With this notion of power, which is “seeping” in nature, rather than rooted solely in an individual agent’s actions, the role of the individual in the formation of the political “we” becomes a central issue. The starting point is Havel’s well-known example of “the greengrocer,” that illustrate how Havel pictures the way out of the post-totalitarian regime as one in which individuals move from living a lie to living in truth. I show how Havel’s talk about truth and authenticity, and his emphasis on a life in truth (which may appear judgemental, naive and cliché-like) is best understood. The wrong way to understand this is simply to say that people who merely obeyed that government, as the greengrocer did, are to be held accountable because they did not put up a fight against their oppressor. Such an understanding goes wrong because it fails to take into account the complexity of the relationship between power and language. In contrast to this, I argue that the central issue here is not that particular agents are to be held responsible for countersigning messages that they think are false. More precisely, I argue that the moral difficulty here is that the greengrocer’s deeds, which appear as countersignatures of the regime, are possible because the messages conveyed are “innocent” on the surface, in a “literal” sense. The moral dimension of the greengrocer’s actions, aiming to shed light on the complex relation between the government and the individual, is revealed as located in a field of tension between inherited sense and new projections. This, in turn, can help us to see the real nature of the transition Havel’s grocer undergoes when he moves from living a lie to living in truth. It is not a matter of negating a false statement or utterance, nor of replacing it with a true one. It is a matter of realising that the responsibility for meaning is, ultimately, ours – and that the way in which he, the grocer, is one of us is something that has to be earned.
EN
The main inspiration for for this paper came from Michel Foucaulfs concept of power/knowledge, Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of reproduction and the Ulrich Beck’s concept of reflexive modernisation. Authors aim to analyse the basie notions and ideas associated with the liberał discourse on education and knowledge reproduction in the post-modern society, characterised by globalisation of knowledge and privatisation of cognitive mechanisms. The authors posit that those processes are interrelated within the top-down, omnipresent imperative of individual self-fulfilment and rationality, which allows the market- oriented governance logie to permeate the micromechanisms of the reproduction of selfhood. As a result, we witness changes in contemporary educational curricula in the EU and OECD. Therefore, the modern education policy becomes a tool of a liberał cognition policy based on the idea of a rational actor, whereas the education system reproduces the structural marketisation of the society,
PL
Główną inspiracją do napisania niniejszego artykułu była koncepcja władzy-wiedzy Michela Foucaulta, teoria reprodukcji Pierre’a Bourdieu oraz koncepcja modernizacji refleksyjnej Ulricha Becka. Celem autorów jest analiza podstawowych pojęć oraz idei związanych z liberalnym dyskursem dotyczącym edukacji oraz reprodukcji wiedzy w społeczeństwie ponowoczesnym, odznaczającym się globalizacją wiedzy, a zarazem prywatyzacją mechanizmów poznawczych. Autorzy stawiają tezę, że wyżej wymienione procesy wiążą się w ramach odgórnego i wszechogarniającego imperatywu samorealizacji i racjonalności jednostkowej, który pozwala na przenikanie logiki zarządzania rynkiem na poziom mikromechanizmów reprodukcji podmiotowości. Rezultatem tego procesu są zmiany zachodzące we współczesnych programach edukacyjnych Unii Europejskiej i OECD. Tym samym współczesna polityka edukacyjna staje się narzędziem swoistej liberalnej polityki poznania opartej na idei rational actor, zaś system edukacji reprodukuje strukturalne urynkowienie społeczeństwa.
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