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1
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Readaptacja społeczna zwalnianych więźniów długoterminowych a powrót do przestępstwa

100%
Miszewski K.
Problemy Opiekuńczo-Wychowawcze
|
2020
|
vol. 590(5)
40-50
PL
Koncepcja prizonizacji Donalda Clemmera nie dawała większych szans więźniom długoterminowym na readaptację społeczną po opuszczeniu przez nich murów. Zsocjalizowanie wzorów zachowań więziennych podczas tak długiego okresu kary miało być tak znaczne, że niemożliwe stawało się przywrócenie ich społeczeństwu. Tymczasem badania pojawiające się od lat 70. ubiegłego wieku zaczynają podawać tę ideę w wątpliwość. Kolejni autorzy, badając grupy skazanych długoterminowych, dochodzą do wniosku, że funkcjonują oni w izolacji całkiem dobrze, a nawet lepiej niż więźniowie z karami krótkimi. Także statystyki pokazują, że powrotność do przestępstwa po zakończeniu kary długoterminowej jest kilkakrotnie niższa niż w przypadku kar krótkoterminowych. Więźniowie długoterminowi potrafią dawać sobie doskonale radę również na wolności. Zawdzięczają to swoim staraniom poczynionym już w więzieniu, żyjąc w sposób daleki od tego, jak przedstawiał to Clemmer: stronią od subkultury i gangów, zajmują się swoimi zainteresowaniami, studiują, pracują. Utrzymują stały kontakt ze światem zewnętrznym i są nim zainteresowani bardziej niż tym, co dzieje się w więzieniu. Funkcjonują dokładnie odmiennie niż skazani krótkoterminowi. Popełniają też znacznie mniej niż oni wykroczeń regulaminowych. Wygląda więc na to, że trzeba się raz jeszcze przyjrzeć koncepcji Clemmera i być może nieco zrewidować jej, zbyt twardo postawione, założenia.
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Prizonizacja a skazani na karę dożywotniego pozbawienia wolności

75%
Klimczak J.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2017
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issue XXXIX
231-248
EN
The article is based on my master’s thesis and addresses the issue of the prisonisation of inmates serving life sentences. Ever since Donald Clemmer introduced the idea of prisonisation, different interpretations of this phenomenon have been proposed. In particular, prisonisation has been described as a negative process, forcing a convict to become a ‘good prisoner’, incapable of fending for him or herself outside the penitentiary walls. According to Clemmer, long-term sentences contribute to a greater degree of prisonisation. Hence life prisoners are doomed to it. Is this a bad thing? In my view, prisonisation cannot be treated as a purely negative phenomenon. Given the unlimited duration of life imprisonment, I decided to formulate my own definition of this concept. By prisonisation I mean a process that the inmate has to face upon entering prison. It is a way of contributing to the conditions found on arrival: the inmate with his or her personality and past experiences plus the prison environment (other inmates and prison staff). Let me emphasise that everyone influences everyone else to some degree in a prison environment. The purpose of the research described in the article was to see how prisoners serving life sentences ‘prisonise’. My division of inmates according to the length of the served sentence was supposed to reflect the meaning of time in their lives – whether the inmates ‘blended into’ the penitentiary system as time went by.I assumed that the way prisoners sentenced to life coped in prison depended on how they assessed their chances of obtaining parole. This is important because looking ahead into the future determines how a convict serves their sentence, i.e. how the process of their prisonisation will unfold. Secondly, I assumed that in the case of ‘life’ prisoners, prisonisation was a desired process. Assuming that such inmates will spend all of their life in prison, it is difficult to conceive of prisonisation not taking place. Moreover, lack of prisonisation would pose a serious difficulty in serving the sentence. Taking into account the time factor in prisonisation, I determined that my research had to reflect the experience of inmates at different stages of their sentences. I divided a group of 15 convicts into five sub-groups of three. I set point ‘zero’ for my calculations at the date of the final judgment condemning each individual to life. Thus emerged a picture of inmates sentenced to life imprisonment across different time windows.I conducted 15 open interviews with inmates serving life sentences using my own questionnaire. I also examined the penitentiary records (part B) of inmates who had agreed to be interviewed. This was necessary in order to reconstruct the inmates’ ‘pre-sentence’ and prison past as well as their present circumstances.Assuming that the actions and behaviour of life prisoners are determined by their perception of how likely they are to be released on parole, I developed the following categories:A. Blending into prison – the inmate puts down roots in prison. He/she feels well as a prisoner and sees no other place for him/herself. B. Sponger – uses his/her time in prison as he/she likes, insofar as possible. Doesn’t want to talk about the future and has no specific view on this matter. Focuses on him/herself in the present; the future will bring what it will.C. Light at the end of the tunnel – the inmate knows that the tunnel he/she is in is very long. This is why he/she realizes that he/she must simply inch through it (or march forward). He/she may make plans or find activities to bide the time. Nevertheless, there is a light at the end of the tunnel – a distant one, but a light nonetheless. D. I’m not here – the prisoner does not agree with the nature of the sentence they are serving or even questions their guilt with regard to the crime. He/she does not accept him/herself in the prisoner role and does not see prison as a place to live. He or she devises plans that help him/her survive, while being in denial of having to spend the rest of his/her life in prison. Clings to the world of freedom and feels him/herself a part of it.The ‘light at the end of the tunnel’ category appeared most frequently (7 out 15 interviewees in every group, i.e. at every stage of their sentence). This shows that at every stage of serving their sentence and regardless of the time they have already spent in prison, inmates want to maintain and nourish the hope that they will one day be free. Of course they adapt to prison life and even become ‘good prisoners’, yet one cannot say unequivocally that prisonisation kills their desire to live beyond the prison walls. Further, I present four important factors related to prisonisation:• Time – when serving an unlimited sentence it is extremely important to be active in prison. It is also interesting how inmates change with the passage of time. • Prison subculture – being part of a subculture is supposed to be a factor that increases prisonisation, but it turned out that the interviewees were not interested in being part of such a group. • The Prison Service and the inmate – the interviewees receive positive assessments and are regularly rewarded by their supervisors. Meanwhile, in the interviews the inmates said that there was no point resisting the Prison Service and that they saw benefits to maintaining good relations with staff.• Contacts with the outside world – the inmates maintain contacts with family through every possible channel – by phone, via visits or letters. Family is important for most of them. Sometimes they also have contacts with new acquaintances from outside the prison. There is no doubt that all of the inmates in the studied group of 15 are ‘prisonised’ in some way. They have adapted to the daily prison schedule and learned the rules. What is important, it is not possible to pigeonhole them depending on the length of their sentence. We would do well to recall Clemmer’s position that the process of prisonisation (and its consequences) depend first and foremost on an individual’s personality. It is therefore extremely important to consider every case in its individuality when reviewing parole applications.
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O niektórych miernikach oceny polityki karnej (na przykładzie Polski w ostatnim dwudziestoleciu)

71%
Skupiński J.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2008
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issue XXIX-XXX
653-657
4
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Wartość pracy dla pracujących osób pozbawionych wolności

63%
Lenart-Kłoś K.
Zeszyty Naukowe KUL
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2020
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vol. 63
|
issue 1
69-85
EN
The aim of this paper is to present the value of labour in the opinion of working prisoners. Work as a value has been presented and its understanding in the holistic way as a multidimensional process has been underlined. Nowadays labour is perceived as one of the most important instruments of resocialization. It enables reducing prisonization in total institutions. The results of the research show that the working prisoners treat labour as a privilege rather than a duty. They would not like to leave their job, no matter whether they have applied for it on their own or it has been commissioned to them and whether they receive a salary.
PL
Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie wartości pracy w opinii pracujących osób pozbawionych wolności. Na początku zaprezentowano rozumienie pracy jako wartości, podkreślając jednoczenie konieczność ujmowania jej holistycznie, wielowymiarowo. Praca stanowi obecnie jeden z najważniejszych środków resocjalizacji. Dzięki niej możliwe jest przeciwdziałanie prizonizacji, która zachodzi w instytucji totalnej, jaką jest zakład karny. Wyniki badań pokazują, że pracujący osadzeni nie traktują pracy jako uciążliwego obowiązku, lecz raczej jako przywilej. Nie chcieliby także zrezygnować z pracy, jaką wykonują. Nie ma znaczenia, czy sami się zgłosili do pracy, czy została im zlecona i czy otrzymują wynagrodzenie.
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Proces resocjalizacji osób pozbawionych wolności w aspekcie nieharmonijnego rozwoju tożsamości

63%
Toroń-Fórmanek B.
Lubelski Rocznik Pedagogiczny
|
2016
|
vol. 35
|
issue 2
EN
Resocialization activities aim up to lead a person to adequate state of adaptation to lifestyle standards, to develop features, that empower socialisation and coexistence in culture, and what follows, also to develop man’s identity. The theory, unfortunately does not come along with practice, what author’s research proves. The article presents assumptions of penitentiary socialisation according to definition of human identity. Process of it’s development is beeing linked by the author with both Walter’s lifestyle conception and her own research which both shows that resocialisation by Polish prison system doesn’t affect the process of redevelopment of imprisoned man’s indentity positively.Author finds the reason in equally imprisonment, deprivation of individual needs and growing into deviant subculture. She notices a connection in developing of criminal identity with influence of school enviroment, peer and crime-related groups. Simultaneously she finds the way to improve the shown above situation by methods of constructive resocialisation, which allows individual identity to develop in a peaceful and balanced way.
PL
Działania resocjalizacyjne mają na celu doprowadzenie człowieka do stanu adekwatnego przystosowania się do norm życia społecznego, rozwinięcia cech umożliwiających uspołecznienie i współuczestniczenie w kulturze, a co za tym idzie – wykształcenia własnej tożsamości. Teoria niestety nie pokrywa się z praktyką, czego dowodzą badania autorki. Artykuł prezentuje założenia resocjalizacji penitencjarnej w odniesieniu do pojęcia „tożsamości człowieka”. Proces jej kształtowania autorka wiąże ze stylem życia według koncepcji Glenna Waltersa, a następnie, opierając się na własnych badaniach, wykazuje, że resocjalizacja w polskim systemie więziennictwa nie wpływa dobrze na proces ponownego kształtowania tożsamości skazanego. Przyczynę tego stanu rzeczy upatruje w zjawisku prizonizacji, deprywacji potrzeb osobniczych i wrośnięciu w podkulturę dewiacyjną. Autorka dostrzega, że na kształtowanie się tożsamości przestępczej ma wpływ szkoła, grupa rówieśnicza i grupa kryminogenna. Jednocześnie szansę zmiany stanu rzeczy upatruje w metodach twórczej resocjalizacji, które wpływają na harmonijny rozwój tożsamości jednostki.
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Polityka karna, kultura polityczna a zasady konstytucyjne

62%
Tonry M. H.
Archiwum Kryminologii
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2006
|
issue XXVIII
95-110
EN
Rapid increases in imprisonment rates and the adoption of severe penal policies in some countries have, in recent years, prompted a burgeoning scholarly literature on the determinants of penal policy. However, much of this literature may be asking the wrong question. The authors typically focussed on the causes of harsher penal policies and offered explanations. However, it seems more reasonable to ask what recent changes in penal policy tell us about the country itself. The paper shows that crossnational differences in penal policy tell us important things about differences in penal culture, and that decisive changes in penal culture may both indicate and portend major, and sometimes regrettable, changes in larger political cultures. The paper has been divided into three sections, each addressing a separate question. The first considers the reasons for penal policies in Britain, Australia, the U.S., and elsewhere becoming harsher over the final three decades of the twentieth century. The short answer is that the question is based on a false premise. Only in some places did penal policies become harsher and in importantly different ways. The assumption that penal policies everywhere tightened over that period is wrong. The second addresses the questions of why penal policies in particular countries did and did not become more severe. A wide range of explanations are available. They range from national differences in constitutional arrangements, the organisation of criminal justice systems, the nature of the mass media, and the nature of national politics to fortuities of personality and event. The key points, however, are that, at day's end, policies are chosen and choices have consequences. The third question is why policy choices matter. One answer, of course, is that they matter because they affect what happens to individual human beings. Another important reason why they matter is that policies adopted and implemented sometimes change the world and sometimes change the ways people think. Repressive policies, rationalised and justified, and in due course followed, desensitise us to the reasons why at the outset they appeared to be repressive and make it easier, when new controversial issues about crime control policies arise, to adopt even more repressive policies. America, over the past 30 years, England for the past 15 years, and other countries for different periods, have through their changes in penal policies changed their penal cultures in ways that portend ill for the future.
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Terapia uzależnień od środków odurzających i psychotropowych w warunkach więziennych, w kontekście przeciwdziałania prizonizacji

62%
Kudlak G.
Archiwum Kryminologii
|
2014
|
issue XXXVI
259-278
EN
The many restrictions in force in a closed institution make prisons taxing and oppressive places for their inmates. Imprisonment is associated with a great deal of internal conflict and a deprivation of needs. This increases stress and psychological discomfort. This situation is often beyond the adaptation skills of convicts, prompting them to engage in a set of behavioural patterns known as prisonisation. In the process, prisoners accept norms and values that are specific to prison communities, including deviant attitudes and rituals that stand in opposition to the goals of rehabilitation and express rebellion against the institution of prison. People addicted to narcotics and psychotropic drugs have an additional motivation, viz. the possibility of obtaining drugs, to live the “double life” of prison. Research shows that incorporating specialized addiction treatment into prison programs is conducive to rehabilitation. This raises the question as to whether this therapy could effectively control prisonisation as well. The author’s own survey of prisoners who were treated shows that their hierarchy of values were significantly different six months later. This change can be regarded as developmental and indicative of successful rehabilitation. This could serve as evidence that positive therapeutic results encourage prison inmates to find constructive ways of dealing with imprisonment, reducing stress, reflecting on their conduct and understanding that their time in prison is a consequence of their actions. In this context, addiction therapy in prison may well be an effective means of preventing prisonisation.
8
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Auto- i alloagresywne zachowania i postawy występujące wśród więźniów oraz sposoby zapobiegania im

51%
Kędzierski W.
Problemy Współczesnej Pedagogiki
|
2015
|
vol. 1
|
issue 1
41-55
PL
W więzieniach, jako instytucjach totalnych, na niewielkiej przestrzeni skumulowani są osobnicy wykazujący głębokie deficyty w sferze emocjonalno-moralnej i często patologiczną osobowość. Ograniczenie przestrzeni indywidualnej, prowadzące do naruszenia ich psychicznej i fizycznej terytorialności, pozostawanie pod nadzorem funkcjonariuszy oraz deprywacje potrzeb powodują dalszą frustrację więźniów, a ta z kolei prowadzi do auto- i alloagresji, nasilenia postaw destrukcyjnych, często uwarunkowanych istnieniem podkultury więziennej. W ostatnich latach obserwuje się spadek liczby samouszkodzeń dokonywanych przez skazanych oraz wzrost liczby postaw agresywnych w stosunku do funkcjonariuszy. Niewątpliwie ma na to wpływ liberalna i permisywna polityka stosowana wobec więźniów, objawiająca się licznymi ustępstwami, aby za wszelką cenę utrzymać spokój w więzieniach i zmniejszyć liczbę skarg osadzonych. Takie postępowanie jest patologiczną humanizacją, która nie ma nic wspólnego z resocjalizacją. Stworzenie więziennej, kastowej stratyfikacji społecznej oraz wzrost znaczenia magii językowej i tabuistycznych norm było reakcją na represyjność powojennego systemu penitencjarnego. Im bardziej represyjnie traktowano grypsujących, tym bardziej szykanowali oni i poniżali obcych, ściślej obwarowując tajemnymi zasadami tworzony przez siebie świat. Zmiany zaistniałe po przełomie społeczno-ustrojowym w 1989 roku spowodowały liberalizację i humanizację warunków odbywania kary. W związku z tym radykalizm oraz dogmatyzm norm podkulturowych ulegał złagodzeniu. Zdecydowanie zmalała liczba zbiorowych głodówek jako formy protestu, gwałtów homoseksualnych jako formy podkulturowej degradacji, z zachowań autodestruktywnych oraz znaczenie funkcji rytualno-magicznej gwary więziennej.
EN
Being total institutions, prisons gather individuals with deep deficits in moral and emotional spheres and of pathological personality in a constrained space. Limiting of personal space that leads to violation of their psychological and physical independence, being under supervision and depravation of needs cause further frustration, which in turn leads to auto- and allo-aggression, and intensification of destructive behaviours that are often conditioned by the existence of the prison subculture. Recent years have shown a decrease in the number of self-damage acts performed by inmates and an increase in the number of aggressive behaviours towards prison officers. The situation is aggravated by the liberal and permissive policy allowing concessions in order to maintain peace in prisons and reduce the number of complaints issued by inmates. Such an attitude can be deemed pathological humanization that has nothing in common with rehabilitation. Creation of caste stratification in prisons and increase in significance of language magic and taboo norms were a reaction to repressions in the post-World War II penitentiary system. Repressed members of the prison subculture started harassing aliens more, and surrounded their self-made world with impassable barriers. The changes that occurred after social and structural changes in 1989 caused liberalization and humanization of the conditions in which inmates serve prison sentences. Consequently, radicalism and dogmatism of subcultural norms underwent softening. There was a decrease in the number of mass hunger strikes, homosexual rapes and self-destructive behaviours. There was a loss of significance of the function of ritual-magical cant.
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