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Proletarian Philosophy in Selected Plays by Ola Rotimi

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EN
The early plays of Ola Rotimi are literary works in which Rotimi places an emphasis on the position of the gods in man’s life. They are plays in which the concept of tragedy is portrayed through the eyes of noble people. They are plays in which Rotimi places an emphasis on the nobility of birth of the protagonists. His later plays, however, put an emphasis on the proletariat. This article examines the Marxist aesthetics and ideology in Ola Rotimi’s If: A Tragedy of the Ruled (1983) and Hopes of the Living Dead (1988). It reflects on Rotimi’s ideological departure into revolutionary drama in his later plays compared to such earlier plays as The Gods Are Not To Blame (1979), Kurunmi (1971) and Ovonranwem Nogbaisi (1974). The study shows that Rotimi stresses the importance of the proletariat in society as reflected in If: A Tragedy of the Ruled (1983) and Hopes of the Living Dead (1988). The paper argues that Rotimi’s acceptance of a new vision of commitment as revealed in the plays is an act of intellectual decolonisation. The paper concludes that Rotimi wrote these particular plays with the conscious aim of not only representing society as it is, but also with the aim of presenting society as it ought to be.
PL
Prekariat dotyczy ludzi, którzy muszą się utrzymać z prac niskiej jakości, czyli niepewnych, tymczasowych, nisko płatnych, bez perspektyw awansu, bez zabezpieczeń, bez umowy itp. Główna teza niniejszego artykułu zakłada, że pomimo licznych podobieństw prekariat nie jest następcą czy kontynuatorem proletariatu. Jest to zupełnie nowe zjawisko, charakterystyczne dla niestabilnego, postfordowskiego ładu XXI wieku. Niestety wciąż brakuje zarówno jednoznacznych mierników, żeby oszacować liczebność prekariatu, jak również wskaźników, które daną jednostkę będą kwalifikowały do grona prekariuszy. Podczas gdy klasa robotnicza zajmuje stabilne miejsce w strukturze społecznej, prekariat przecina na skos wszelkie zastane wcześniej konfiguracje klasowe.
EN
Precarity applies to people who, in order to survive, need to work in a low-quality job, which is uncertain, temporary, low-paid, with no prospect of promotion, no security, no contract. The main thesis of this article assumes that despite numerous similarities precarity is not the successor of the proletariat. This is a completely new phenomenon characteristic of unstable, unsecure postfordism of the twenty-first century. Unfortunately, there is no clear indicators to estimate the number of people in precarity, as well as indicators that qualify the person into precarity. On the other hand, the working class has a stable position in the social structure, while precariat cuts diagonally any existing class-configurations.
EN
The aim of this critical essay is to analyse social and economic contexts of women’s work at the verge of 19th and 20th centuries. In the essay’s foreground are: 1) the discussion of Polish emancipatory discourses, the relation of liberal feminists to working class women; as well as 2) the characteristics of the reproductive work performed by women in the era of industrial revolution along with the impact the industrialization had on transformations of the ways genders were perceived. The article also touches upon the emancipatory role played by the factory – an attempt was made to answer the question: To what extent the commercialization of women’s work due to industrial revolutions allowed women to escape the shackles of patriarchy, and to what extent it contributed to their further entanglement in the network of dependency.
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Bramy raju

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Praktyka Teoretyczna
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2017
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vol. 23
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issue 1
132-159
EN
The text presented here is a chapter from Jacques Rancièreʼs La nuit des proletaires, an extended version of the author’s doctoral thesis. It focuses upon prospects for workers emancipation following the unsuccessful revolutionary attempt of July 1830. Rancière does not comment on struggles of power and instead, emancipation is seen here mostly as an intervention into the aesthetic. Aesthetic identification, popular spectacles, grassroots press, the selection of readings and even the design of rooms are all presented as genuine tools of the emancipatory effort. Rancière shows that workers culture, although syncretic and full of calque, turned out to be subversive enough so as to undermine class divisions.
PL
Tekst jest rozdziałem wydanej w roku 1981 książki La nuit des proletaires, będącej rozszerzoną wersją rozprawy doktorskiej Jacquesa Rancière’a. Kwestia emancypacji robotników w okresie następującym po porażce rewolucyjnego zrywu w lipcu 1830 roku stanowi centralny problem tekstu. Autor nie komentuje jednak toczonych ówcześnie walk o władzę. Emancypacja ujęta zostaje tu od strony wysiłków podejmowanych na polu estetyki. Estetyczna identyfikacja, ludowe widowiska, oddolna prasa, dobór lektur czy nawet wystrój mieszkania przedstawiane tu są jako pełnoprawne narzędzia emancypacyjnych starań. Rancière pokazuje, że robotnicza kultura, jakkolwiek synkretyczna i pełna zapożyczeń, okazywała się wystarczająco subwersywna, by skutecznie przekraczać klasowe podziały.
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Wielogłowa hydra

87%
EN
The presented text is the first Polish translation of Peter Linebaugh’s and Markus Rediker’s well-acclaimed book, The Many-Headed Hydra: The Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic. The authors offer a transcontinental and transcultural collective subject of resistance against the rising capitalist system. Our translation provides an overview of proletariat structure, discusses its vital role in constructing the infrastructure that was necessary for the reproduction of capitalism and also investigates the fright and the hopes that were aroused from England to the Caribbean by a crew of sailors, fleeing slaves, heretics and female-defenders of the commons.
PL
Przetłumaczył ŁUKASZ MOLL Prezentujemy pierwsze tłumaczenie na język polski fragmentu głośnej książki Petera Linebaugha i Markusa Redikera The Many-Headed Hydra: The Hidden History of Revolutionary Atlantic. Autorzy przedstawiają w niej transkontynentalny i transkulturowy zbiorowy podmiot oporu wobec rodzącego się systemu kapitalistycznego. Przetłumaczony fragment dostarcza przeglądu struktury atlantyckiego proletariatu, zdaje sprawę z kluczowej roli, jaką odgrywał on przy konstrukcji infrastruktury niezbędnej dla reprodukcji kapitalizmu, a także omawia jednocześnie popłoch i nadzieje, jaki zgraja żeglarzy, zbiegłych niewolników, heretyków i obrończyń dóbr wspólnych wzbudzała od Anglii po Karaiby.
EN
Capitalist civilisation is based on abstract labour. Mainstream Marxism has devel-oped within a movement based on the defence of abstract labour and this has shaped its understanding. Savage Marxism starts from the first, not the second, sentence of Capital and moves against abstract labour through an underworld of categories usually neglect-ed. Hope lies latent in this underworld.
EN
The article deals with the emergence of a new social class, precariat, explains the causes that brought it into being, its structure and key characteristics. It traces the maturing of the idea of precariat in scientific thought, in world and Russian social practice. The main features of this class are revealed and a comparison is made with other social groups. The article reveals the specificities of this class, its place and role in contemporary divisionof labour, its position in the labour market and the first sprouts of its self-awarenessas “a class for itself.” The consequences of the existence and functioning of the precariat are discussed.
EN
Włodzimierz Kirchner (1875-1970) – former priest, activist in the Łódź and Warsaw districts of the Christian Charity Association, he supported the efforts of the organisation by publishing articles on philanthropy. He was a proponent of the so-called ‘enlightened philanthropy’, i.e. he argued that social support cannot be of a spontaneous and chaotic character, but, rather, it should be controlled and monitored so that unemployment can be prevented. To justify his theses, the main of which was a conviction that giving alms was a waste of money and a tool spreading demoralisation, he conducted an analysis of dysfunctional communities, e.g. Bałuty (near Łódź back then). He depicted the inhabitants of the area (serving as a synecdoche of the dysfunctional communities throughout Poland) as a group of pretenders and impostors hustling potential benefactors by using a theatricalisation of behaviours which evoked empathy. He collected and published his conclusions in the brochure titled Walka z nędzą na Bałutach, which – due to its controversial recommendations of emotional restraint and the application of the method of control and monitoring – stirred aversion among various groups of intellectuals. Kirchner was accused of blind support of doctrines and extreme aestheticism, while the leftist press accused him of hypocrisy typical of the clergy.
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Závodní kolonie jámy Jiří v Moravské Ostravě

63%
EN
The study focused on the factory colony of the mine „Jiří“ in Moravská Ostrava, by now only marginally reflected upon by the regional historians, does not aim to be a monograph dealing with the history of one of the rough number of 55 miners‘ colonies on the territory of contemporary Ostrava. The study of the colony of „Jiří“ that existed from the year 1872 or 1889 to the year 1970 was motivated, first, by the author’s interest in the proletarian colonies in Ostrava. But it also constitutes part of the research project begun in the year 2010. The research should culminate at producing a modern topography of miners‘ colonies of Ostrava that would replace the problematic topography of Jaroslav Bílek (1966). The study of the colony of „Jiří“ aims to refute the myth of its foundation before the year 1860, to describe in detail its constructional- architectonic development and the living standard, positively resolve the problem of the number of houses in the colony, and especially to remind the fact, unique in the region of Ostrava, of the double foundation of the colony in the years 1871 and 1888. Besides the general information concerning the setting and surroundings of the colony of „Jiří“ and its civic amenities, the study should provide the correction of the data on the population development of the colony in the years 1890–1910 presented in the thesis of Drahoslava Dušková (1976).
EN
The article presents Jan Wacław Machajski’s views on socialism and revolution as well as the political role and position of intellectuals. The author emphasizes that in the Polish thinker’s view, the intelligentsia was a specific social strata. First of all, it was an interest group, extremely selfish, devoid of any ethos or altruism, a sense of responsibility and servitude towards weaker social groups. A strata aspiring to high material status and power. The manipulative theory and practice of socialism, in line with the conviction that all concepts, theories and socialist activities, with Marxism at the forefront, were only a method of securing interests of their group.
PL
Artykuł przedstawia poglądy Jana Wacława Machajskiego dotyczące socjalizmu, rewolucji oraz politycznej roli i pozycji inteligencji. Autor podkreśla, że w ujęciu polskiego myśliciela inteligencja była specyficzną warstwą społeczną. Przede wszystkim grupą interesu, wybitnie egoistyczną, pozbawioną jakiegokolwiek etosu czy altruizmu, poczucia odpowiedzialności i służebności wobec słabszych grup społecznych. Warstwą aspirującą do wysokiego statusu materialnego oraz władzy. Manipulującą teorią i praktyką socjalizmu, zgodnie z przekonaniem, że wszelkie koncepcje, teorie i działania socjalistyczne, z marksizmem na czele, są jedynie metodą zabezpieczenia inteligenckich interesów.
EN
This article raises the question of whether the thought of Mao Zedong is simply de-rivative from Marxist thought, whether it represents a deviation from Marxist thought, or whether it contains any original contribution to Marxist thought. It discusses such topics as Mao’s concepts of the principal and the non-principal aspect of the contradic-tion, Mao’s concept of permanent revolution, Mao’s replacement of the industrial prole-tariat with the peasant farmer class, Mao’s inversion of the classical Marxist position of the base determining the superstructure, Mao’s concept of the complementarity of oppo-sites, Mao’s concept of antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradictions, Mao’s reduc-tion of all laws of dialectic to one law.
RU
В теории и практике социализма сформировались две основные концепции реализации идеи социализма. Первая, созданная К. Марксом и его последователями, предусматривала реализацию идеи через т.н. диктатуру пролетариата. Вторая, немарксистская, одним из создателей которой был польский философ Е. Абрамовский, в диктатуре пролетариата видела опасность тоталитаризма, то есть отрицание социализма. Социализм во втором значении – это общество свободных людей, которые реализуют свои цели путем демократических процессов. Автор статьи поддерживает версию социализма в концепции Е. Абрамовского.
EN
In the theory and practice of socialism two basic concepts of realization of the idea of socialism were formed. First realization of this idea, formulated by K. Marx and his continuators, is so-called dictatorship of the proletariat. The second, the non-Marxist’s idea, one of its creators was a Polish philosopher E. Abramowski, in the dictatorship of the proletariat sees a danger of totalitarianism and thus the negation of socialism. Socialism in the latter approach was perceived as a society of free people realizing their goals by the means of democratic changes. The author of the article advocates a version of the implementation of the socialism expressed by E. Abramowski.
Nowa Krytyka
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2014
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issue 32
145-161
EN
The main goal of this paper is to describe the three main types of class antagonisms as pointed by the author, based on the marxist idea of class warfare. These types are: the system antagonism – which occurs inside specific systems; the class antagonism – which can be observed inside proletariat and inside different, specific classes, and formation antagonism which is the valid antagonism between revolutionary and reactionary social classes, leading to critical contradictions and to the process of revolution. The modern capitalist society of Europe and western, imperialist capitalisms is described as a non-revolutionary, individualist system, where proletariat goals are shared with the goals of the class of capitalists. Therefore – the class contradictions existing in First World countries aren’t contradictions leading to the real antagonism on the formations level, which is necessary to occur if the capitalism is to be replaced with socialism. The theory of revolution presented in the article points at the processes of economical socialization against capitalist productivity as the key factor in creating socialism inside now-imperialist countries. To accomplish this, the movement of the political left and socialist forces should not concentrate on simple fight for higher salaries.
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