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Wybory w Rosji 2011 i 2012 roku. Zmiana czy stagnacja społeczno-polityczna

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Górka M.

Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

2014

vol. 16

186 - 204

Parliamentary elections in 2011 and presidential elections in 2012 proved to be the most exciting struggle for power in Russia. Despite numerous reports of irregularities, Vladimir Putin was the winner of the presidential elections in Russia. People felt betrayed by the authority, it was found that the four-year term of Prime Minister Putin was merely a transitional period to re-take the helm at the Kremlin. Political forecasts did not predict the huge public demonstrations, which were opposed to Putin’s candidacy for president. Elections, both parliamentary and presidential, resembled his character more than the choice of a plebiscite among the alternatives from a wide political spectrum. Events in Russia, which were observed by political scientists, have set the new research questions concerning the electoral competition. The purpose of the analysis is to answer the question whether there has been a change in the formulation of political disputes in Russia and if so, what factors affect their transformation? The paper is to specify the factors dynamizing the electoral competition, and also to indicate what values manage to mobilize people. The analysis of the manifestations accompanying the elections in Russia will also point to new forms and techniques of protest.

Insecurity in the Middle East: Why Do the Reformist Movements Constantly Fail? Towards a New Conceptual Framework

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Bagheri Dolatabadi A., Shafie Seifabadi M.

Przegląd Strategiczny

2022

issue 15

169-186

W ciągu ostatnich trzech dekad kraje Bliskiego Wschodu często były świadkami powszechnych protestów przeciwko reżimom autorytarnym. Pytanie brzmi, dlaczego te protesty nigdy nie przynoszą pożądanego rezultatu? Niezależnie od roli, jaką odgrywają podmioty zagraniczne w utrwalaniu autorytarnych reżimów na Bliskim Wschodzie, wydaje się, że tym, co powoduje, że protesty nie są wszechobecne, a infrastruktury polityczne nie upadają, jest fakt, że protesty nie zostały poparte przez większość narodu. W niniejszym artykule dowodzimy, że taki brak poparcia związany jest z fundamentalną przyczyną, którą nazwaliśmy cyklem strachu. Cykl ten obejmuje strach mas przed reżimem, strach przed porażką ruchu i jej strasznymi konsekwencjami oraz strach przed systemem politycznym, który ma dojść do władzy po obaleniu urzędującego rządu. Ważną rolę w tworzeniu i utrwalaniu tego strachu oraz przekształcaniu go w panikę pełnią rządy.

Over the last three decades, the Middle East countries have frequently witnessed popular protests against the authoritarian regimes. The question is why these protests never come to a desirable end? Regardless of the role played by foreign actors in perpetuating the authoritarian regimes of the Middle East, it seems that what causes the protests not to be pervasive and the political infrastructures not to collapse is that the protests have not been supported by the people’s majority. The present article argues that such a dearth of support refers to a fundamental cause that we named the fear cycle. This cycle includes the masses’ fear of the regime, fear of the movement’s failure and its dire consequences, and fear of the political system that is supposed to come to power after the overthrow of the incumbent government. The governments have an important role in creating and perpetuating this fear and turning it into a panic.

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1 Przegląd Strategiczny

1 Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne

1 Bagheri Dolatabadi A.

1 Górka M.

1 Shafie Seifabadi M.

1 2022

1 2014

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Wybory w Rosji 2011 i 2012 roku. Zmiana czy stagnacja społeczno-polityczna

Insecurity in the Middle East: Why Do the Reformist Movements Constantly Fail? Towards a New Conceptual Framework