The inconstancy of business and competition models influence the need for constant redefining of media enterprises strategy. In case of polish regional radio station companies, the destabilization of subscription revenue and rules governing their division is an additional factor underlining the instability of management conditions. The purpose of this article is to demonstrate that in the face of persistent destabilization of external factors, public media companies have limited strategic choices and may maximize their income by increasing activity in the advertising market and value co-creation with the users of media products. The paradox of those companies actions lies in the fact that they seek for stabilization of their financial situation in the highly competitive and unstable advertising market and that the forced competition with other commercial media must accompany carrying out the public media mission. Those solutions are based on the example of the Polish Radio Gdańsk SA.
The basis activity ofmedia, both public service and private is the realization of two functions: social mission and commercial. At this dualism, of which writes Robert Picard, is imposedin Polandorganizationaldualism associated with legallocation ofthe public broadcaster. On the one hand, public media imposed is the realization of specific tasks, called the mission of public media, and other public media operate as commercial companies. The situation is further complicated by the method of funding public media, where the income from the license fee only partially sufficient to cover the roles that public media imposes Polish legislator. This article is an analysis of the financial situation of one of the regional public radio stations - Radio Opole and also the voice in the debate calling for systemic change in the financing of public media in Poland.
According to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the National Broadcasting Council: safeguards the freedom of speech, the right to information and the public interest in broadcasting. The protection of these values justifies the independence of the social flow of information in public affairs from the disposal of the government. In the meantime the chairman of the National Broadcasting Council due to his special statutory entitlements remains under exceptional political pressure as in the process of control broadcasters’ activity is among others entitled to impose financial sanctions what in fact makes the National Broadcasting Council in Poland the authority that takes actions of repressive censorship nature.
The European Union Law provides the possibility of financing public media from the State budget, although it has to be consistent with the principles of state-aid, defined in the European Union law. In most cases state assistance requires notification to the European Commission. Providing funds with the omission of that rules results in an obligation to refund of the assistance provided.
In the process of political, economic and social changes that have taken place in Poland since 1989, state radio and television, so far carefully controlled by the communist government, could not remain unaff ected. The establishment of a new order required several years and involved numerous changes in management and the content of programs. It is often said that this process has not been completed yet. What can be observed a$ er twenty years of transformation is the commercialization of media, whose “public” status is present only in their name. This is particularly apparent in the analysis of Polish television. In fact, the activity of this media is based on certain market mechanisms, including the desire to reach high viewership, attract the attention of advertisers and as a consequence, to maximize profit.
The term State appropriately reflects the dichotomous condition of contemporary journalism. The tension between the commercial and the functional side of the mass media leaves the journalist standing alone on the battlefiield facing a harsh dilemma to remain faithful to professional ethics or to give way to the pressure of ratings. In other words, striving to describe objectively, inform critically, and earnestly, leaves some space for your opponents or makes you dig out seemingly meaningful information and present it in the form of a factoid or a story that probably will not bring you closer to the truth but generates more buzz around the news and entertain the audience. It all comes down to a single choice – serious journalism versus tabloid journalism. In my opinion, it is a serious issue which has to be brought up in any discussion concerning the media. One can see it more clearly by looking closely at both notions. Serious journalism is responsible for its words, along with the awareness of the influence it has on the audience. Tabloid journalism, on the other hand, is marked by a nonchalant audience attitude. It is aware of its influence on the fans, but its impact is simplified compared to mass media doctrines, and comes down to the brutal slogan “riffraff would buy”. Though, not making a big fuss, it is worth saying that with journalism, having the meaning of a public service and letting down society, we are dealing with conflict of values and hitting rock bottom.
The transformation of the Estonian press began in the late eighties of the 20th century. There is quite a large discrepancy in the dates of the end of this process which could be explained by the fact that the formation of the newspaper market in Estonia started in 1994. However, the events of the early 21st century showed that the formation of new structures was an extremely laborious and very long process. Undoubtedly, the success of the transformation process was the emergence of the Estonian media already in the initial stage of private radio and television stations as well as local private radio stations. The transformation of the political system, which took place in Estonia, did not lead to a rapid loss of leadership of public television – Eesti TV. Eesti TV had remained the market leader in the electronic press until 1999 and in 2001 it lost its position to the most popular TV in Estonia, the commercial station TV3, which had existed since 1996. The article describes the changes that occurred in the public media in this neuralgic period.
The article analyzes the issue of financing the public media as one of the most complex and controversial part of media policy in the European Union. European institutions have not opted for the specific model of financing, leaving the case to the member states. Using the examples of Poland and Hungary, the author shows how a broadcasting fee can be a bargaining chip for political purposes, and the announcements of the liquidation of such fees in election campaigns can result in further weak position of public broadcasters. In Hungary, receiving further grants and debt relief managed by the government was perceived as „payment for services” to the public broadcaster, rendered in favor of the ruling coalition. On the other hand, indicated examples of France and Germany show how consistently implemented media policy can create stable conditions for the development of public service broadcasters in those countries and provides protection of media pluralism.
One of the statutory provisions of public media is to popularize the knowledge of the Polish language – the present authors analyse diversified aspects determining the effectiveness of the execution of the task and the media’s commitment to its social responsibility, and proceed to evaluate the basic assignments and responsibilities involved in the journalistic profession. These responsibilities result largely from the reception of the profession by the general public, and from those that emerge within the context of studies on language authority figures in present-day Poland. The next stage of the analysis involves an evaluation of the activities of all-Polish national broadcasters in view of their practical implementation and execution of the commitments set in Art. 21, Section 1a, item 8 of the Radio and Television Act (diffusion and divulgation of the knowledge of the Polish language). The remaining part of the article, including postulative claims, results from an analysis of the activities popularizing the knowledge on Polish available in the media and from the conviction of the necessity of expanding them beyond just grammaticality and correctness in the language use.
The Development of public media in Latvia as a post-communist country has essentially been influenced by politicians. The political community has had consensus that certain reforms are necessary to ensure the development of public media given the changes in the communication space and its role in the facilitation of the strengthening of democracy, yet during the last fifteen years the political elite has not been able to come to a common agreement and to make decisions on systemic reforming and the development of public media. Since the communication environment has changed post digitalisation of television, the question about public media development and legitimisation has become increasingly topical. The aim of the study is to explore how the members of the parliament of Latvia (Saeima) position public service media (PSM) in Latvia and assess the public value of PSM. The theoretical framework for the research is based on the concept of public value „strategic triangle” (Benington & Moore 2011), which consists of three main elements: public value outcomes, the authorising environment and operational capacity. The study is based on qualitative research methods including 18 semi-structured interviews conducted with members of the Saeima in 2012 and 2013. The acquired data has been analysed by the principles of thematic analysis (Attride-Stirling 2001). Analysis of the interviews show that members of the Saeima recognise the need for public media to be independent whilst at the same time supporting a model in which public media is not supposed to have independent funding and they will continue competing with commercial media in the advertising market. High competition and resentment are characteristic features of the political elite in Latvia that apparently would also in future hamper the making of such decisions about public media that will facilitate their high-quality. Results of the research show the tendency for members of parliament to lack the necessary knowledge to formulate their opinion and to modulate relations of public media with society and their place in the overall media system in Latvia.
In Latin America, despite common historical and cultural background, the meaning and the role of public media are understood differently. Such diversity is observed also in practical solutions in different republics, where on the television markets (with the exception of the communist Cuba) commercial broadcasters dominate evidently, though also many TV stations, qualifi ed as public, exist (and are founded) in accordance to different rules: sometimes they are typically propaganda (governmental) and in other cases cultural or educational broadcasters. Although there is a problem of determination of a Latin model of public media, some agreement to treat this kind of media as alternative – in front of dominating commercial media – exists. Latin scientists, managers of public broadcasters or some politicians underline, often a need to strengthen the public media (to promote democracy and pluralism), including international cooperation.
PL
W Ameryce Łacińskiej, mimo wspólnych fundamentów historycznych i kulturowych, różnie rozumie się istotę i rolę mediów publicznych. Ta różnorodność widoczna jest także w rozwiązaniach przyjętych w poszczególnych republikach, gdzie na rynkach telewizyjnych obserwuje się wprawdzie zdecydowaną dominację nadawców komercyjnych (wyjątek stanowi komunistyczna Kuba), lecz także liczne stacje telewizyjne, zaliczane do publicznych, działają (i są fi nansowane) na różnych zasadach – czasami mają charakter typowo propagandowy (rządowy), a czasami kulturalny czy edukacyjny. O ile jednak istnieje problem z określeniem latynoamerykańskiego modelu mediów publicznych, o tyle można dostrzec pewien konsensus co do istoty tego typu nadawców jako alternatywy dla dominujących mediów komercyjnych. Latynoscy naukowcy, ale także zarządzający mediami publicznymi oraz niektórzy politycy, często podkreślają konieczność wzmacniania tego sektora mediów (na rzecz rozwoju demokracji i pluralizmu), z uwzględnieniem międzynarodowej współpracy.
Artykuł przedstawia wyniki analizy relacji medialnych w krajach europejskich na temat wydarzeń ze stycznia 2021 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych. Kongres USA obradował nad zatwierdzeniem wyników wyborów prezydenckich, kiedy tłum zwolenników Donalda Trumpa wdarł się do budynku. Autorki porównały telewizyjne serwisy informacyjne stacji publicznych w trzech krajach: w Polsce, Rosji i Niemczech. Posługiwały się analizą zawartości w jej wymiarze ilościowo- -jakościowym oraz metodami jakościowymi (Krytyczna Analiza Dyskursu), a także analizą porównawczą. Wyniki badań pozwoliły na wskazanie dominujących typów dyskursu w mediach publicznych w styczniu 2021 roku. Autorki wykazały zróżnicowany charakter stosowanych narracji (instrumentalizacja dyskursu versus kronikarski styl narracji), języka (nacechowanie emocjonalne versus informacyjność) oraz kontekstualizacji polidoniesień medialnych (osadzanie w kontekstach historycznych, społecznych czy kulturowych).
EN
The article presents the results of the analysis of media coverage in European countries on the events of January 2021 in the United States. The US Congress was deliberating to approve the presidential election results when a crowd of Donald Trump supporters burst into the building. The authors compared television news services of public stations in three countries: Poland, Russia, and Germany. The content analysis in its quantitative and qualitative dimensions, qualitative methods (Critical Discourse Analysis) as well as comparative analysis were used. The research results allowed the authors to indicate the dominant types of discourse in the public media in January 2021. The authors have shown the varied nature of the narratives used (discourse instrumentalization versus the chronicle style of narration), language (emotional versus informational), and the contextualization of media reports (embedding in historical, social, or cultural contexts).
The functioning of a person in the media reality is one of the main skills they should have in adult life, and which should be shaped from an early age. There are many problems related to the place of competence and skills in human education. Starting from the matter of distinguishing between media, digital and information competences, through a discussion whether these competences are the task of education or media pedagogy, up to who is to implement this education and whether these individuals, professional groups are prepared for it. The article is an attempt to review definitions related to human functioning in the information society, and aims to emphasize the need for contemporary media education in the field of socialization of the individual; in particular, in the aspect of using competences based on critical thinking of cyberspace users.
PL
Funkcjonowanie człowieka w rzeczywistości medialnej jest jedną z głównych umiejętności, którą powinien dysponować w życiu dorosłym, i która powinna być kształtowana od najmłodszych lat. Istnieje wiele problemów związanych z miejscem kompetencji i umiejętności w edukacji człowieka. Począwszy od kwestii rozróżnienia kompetencji medialnych, cyfrowych, informacyjnych przez dyskusję, czy kompetencje te są zadaniem edukacji czy pedagogiki medialnej, aż do tego, kto ma realizować tę edukację i czy te osoby, grupy zawodowe są do tego przygotowane. Artykuł jest próbą przeglądu definicji dotyczących funkcjonowania człowieka w społeczeństwie informacyjnym oraz ma na celu podkreślenie konieczności współczesnej edukacji medialnej w zakresie socjalizacji jednostki, w szczególności w aspekcie wykorzystania kompetencji opartych na krytycznym myśleniu użytkowników cyberprzestrzeni.
The article focuses on the pronunciation of the loanword puzzle, which can be realized through multiple variants in Czech. The research, based on material from public media files, tries to reveal possible connections between the pronunciation, meaning and morphological characteristics of this word. The main aim is to find out which pronounced variant can be regarded as orthoepic, and, based on the findings, to propose an adjustment to the keyword puzzle in the Czech Internet Language Reference Book.
Tematyką podjętą w tym tekście jest nakreślenie najbardziej reprezentatywnych opinii i ocen przedstawicieli elit politycznych i me-ialnych, które można ułożyć w modelowe konstrukcje dyskursywne dotyczące mediów publicznych w polskiej przestrzeni publicznej. Dotyczyć to będzie w przeważającej mierze okresu od grudnia 2015 roku do kwietnia 2016 roku, czyli kluczowego okresu dokonywania radykalnej zmiany w sferze własności i zarządzania mediami publicznymi oraz politycznego, administracyjnego i finansowego nadzoru nad nimi.
EN
The aim of this study is to sketch the most representative opinions and assessments of political and media elite representatives, and then place them within the framework of a discourse model regar-ding public media in the Polish public space. It concerns, principal-ly, the period from December 2015 to April 2016, which constituted the key period of radical change in the sphere of ownership and management of public media as well as political, administrative and financial supervision over them.
The article presents an outline of the evolution of the Latvian audiovisual media market (after 1988), the infl uence of the 2009 market crash on media entities (including those public) and key discussion topics and decisions made as a result of the crisis by Latvian institutions responsible for the media landscape. Detailed attention will be given to the new law on electronic mass media (in force from 2011) and those elements of the public media system reform project (announced in 2013), that are an outcome of the dynamic development of new content distribution technologies and changing user needs and habits, especially in younger age groups. The fi nal part of the work will concern the complicated Latvia–Russia relations and the multi-aspect contribution of mass media in their shaping. The conclusion indicates a broad scope of discussion and analytical works in Latvia concerning the reform of public media, which suggests it will not be abandoned in the following years.
PL
W artykule ukazano zarys ewolucji łotewskiego rynku mediów audiowizualnych (po 1988 roku), wpływ gwałtownego załamania gospodarczego w 2009 roku na podmioty medialne (w tym publiczne) oraz główne wątki dyskusji i decyzje, które w następstwie kryzysu zostały podjęte przez łotewskie instytucje odpowiedzialne za ład medialny. Szczególna uwaga zostanie zwrócona na nową ustawę o elektronicznych mediach masowych (obowiązującą od 2011 roku) oraz te elementy projektu reformy systemu mediów publicznych (ogłoszonej w 2013 roku), które wynikają z dynamicznego rozwoju nowoczesnych technologii dystrybucji treści oraz zmieniających się potrzeb i przyzwyczajeń odbiorców, zwłaszcza w młodszych grupach wiekowych. W ostatniej części tekstu poruszono złożony temat relacji łotewsko-rosyjskich i wieloaspektowego udziału mediów masowych w ich kształtowaniu. W konkluzji zwrócono uwagę na szeroki zakres dyskusji i prac analitycznych podjętych na Łotwie w związku z reformą mediów publicznych, co pozwala sądzić, że nie zostanie ona zaniechana w kolejnych latach.
This article attempts to analyze the content of the main news broadcasts of the three largest television broadcasters in Poland – the public one and two commercial. In total, the authors analyzed 42 main editions of “Wiadomości” TVP1, “Fakty” TVN and “Wydarzenia” Polsat in 2014 and 2021 (two middle days of each week in August). The study paid particular attention to changes in television in recent years, especially in the context of the way how politics is reported in the media and how media respects for the principle of pluralism, which changed after the 2015 elections. In this respect, the main focus was on checking how the public broadcaster meets the requirements contained in art. 21 of the Broadcasting Act (polish media law).
PL
W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę analizy zawartości głównych wydań audycji informacyjnych trzech największych nadawców telewizyjnych w Polsce – publicznego i dwóch komercyjnych. Łącznie autorzy przeanalizowali 42 główne wydania „Wiadomości” TVP1, „Faktów” TVN i „Wydarzeń” Polsatu w latach 2014 i 2021 (po dwa środkowe dni z każdego tygodnia sierpnia). W badaniu szczególną uwagę zwrócono na przemiany w telewizji w ostatnich latach, zwłaszcza w kontekście sposobu relacjonowania polityki w mediach i respektowania zasady pluralizmu, który zmienił się po wyborach w 2015 roku. Pod tym kątem skupiono się najbardziej na sprawdzeniu, jak nadawca publiczny realizuje wymogi zawarte w art. 21 ustawy o radiofonii i telewizji.
The author attempts to describe the constitutional definition of the public interest in broadcasting, concluding however that elements forming the definition cannot be treated as permanent measures, because they are dependent on ever-changing technology, economy and social conditions.
The article presents the image of Polish Radio as a public radio station in the years 2015-2020. An important research problem was the reconstruction of the perception of Polish Radio by the recipients. Based on the conducted analysis, it was proved that the Polish public broadcasting station is an issuer pursuing a social mission, caring for a high level of journalistic objectivity, implementing the concept of truth in the classical sense and promoting high culture. The author used the method of qualitative content analysis, literature criticism and literature review method.
This reflection has a character of basic research. Its aim is to look synthetically at the way the Church carries out her mission in the area of public media, which was made possible by the Act of 1992. It is important to grasp a wider context in this process. This is an attempt to present how and to what degree the Church managed to fill the public TV and radio with religious contents. It seems that the results of this research and considerations may become an impulse for further deeper and more systematic classification and assessment of the richness of religious contents in public media since 1989 up till now.
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