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EN
The paper discusses the issue of admissibility and advisability of combining, within criminal code regulations, selected types of protective measures with penalties and punitive measures in a follow-up manner, i.e. after the application of penalties or punitive measures. The first issue considered is the application of protective measures after serving an imprisonment sentence. The author suggests that medicinal protective measures be systematically applied before the period of imprisonment in the case of sexual offenders. Following the imprisonment penalty, some other, non-medicinal protective measures should be applied. Another issue discussed in the paper is the possibility of applying non-isolation protective measures after the application of punitive measures and a proposed change within that area.
PL
W artykule autor omawia kwestię dopuszczalności i celowości łączenia w przepisach kodeksu karnego stosowania określonych rodzajów środków zabezpieczających z karami i środkami karnymi w sposób następczy, to jest po uprzednim wykonaniu kar lub środków karnych. W tym zakresie omówiono najpierw zagadnienie realizowania środków zabezpieczających po wykonaniu kary pozbawienia wolności. Autor proponuje, aby lecznicze środki zabezpieczające były konsekwentnie realizowane przed wykonaniem kary pozbawienia wolności – na przykład w przypadku sprawców przestępstw seksualnych. Po wykonaniu kary pozbawienia wolności powinny być realizowane nowe środki zabezpieczające o charakterze nieleczniczym. Drugim zagadnieniem omówionym w artykule jest możliwość stosowania nieizolacyjnych środków zabezpieczających po wykonaniu wobec sprawcy przestępstwa środków karnych i propozycje zmian w tym zakresie.
EN
By the end of 2013, some 60,0000 citizens of EU Member States, and 121,000 third- -country nationals, holders of Polish residence permits, were registered in Poland. The aggregate number of foreign nationals who currently reside in Poland amounts to 0.5% of the country’s own population. Among the EU citizens, the most numerous are German, Italian, French, British, Bulgarian, and Spanish nationals. Among the non-EU nationals, the largest proportion of residents comes from Ukraine, Vietnam, Russian Federation, Belarus, China, Armenia, Turkey, India, USA, and South Korea; the Ukrainians making up by far the most populous group among them (i.e. 31% of all third-country nationals residing in Poland). Crime rate among foreign residents in Poland as gleaned from the police statistics on foreign offenders spanning 2004–2012 makes it clear that foreign suspects constitute ca. 1% to 0.43% in 2012 of the total number of suspects investigated. In the course of nine years, these crime dynamics (i.e. officially disclosed crime rate among foreign nationals in Poland) appeared to decline. In total, foreign nationals suspected of committing crimes in Poland come from of 61 countries, with EU citizens accounting for 1/3 of them, the remaining 2/3 originating from the third countries. The overall picture of offences perpetrated by foreign nationals in Poland in the period spanning 2004–2012 reveals some telltale characteristics of their prevalent structure. Firstly, a negligible proportion of human crime offences, secondly, a high proportion of specific crimes, e.g. driving while under the influence of alcohol or drugs, whereupon, in the absence of a human victim, the only ‘aggravated’ party is the public order, and thirdly, a growing rate of foreigners suspected of having committed an offence against the credibility of documents. In the police statistics, foreign nationals suspected of committing offences under Articles 228, 229 and 230 of the Polish Penal Code make up 3.4% of all foreign suspects. Foreign nationals suspected of committing the offence of bribery under Article 229 of the Polish Penal Code, the actual subject matter of the study addressed in the paper, are foreign nationals convicted by Polish courts of law. Ninety-six criminal cases of bribery, originating in 2008–2013, which ended in convictions for foreign perpetrators, were randomly selected for the study. The issues of interest were as follows: the profiles of convicted foreigners, accompanying circumstances, general aetiology of the bribery offences committed by foreigners, the bribe recipients, convictions actually secured in a court of law against the perpetrators, and the types of punitive measures applied. Foreign nationals – perpetrators of bribery offences across Poland, originated from 17 countries. 81.3% of the studied population was made up of Ukrainians (41.7%), Belarussians (22.9%), Lithuanians (9.4%), and Russians (7.3%). Single cases were perpetrated by the citizens of Kazakhstan, Turkey, Sweden, Bulgaria, Romania, Latvia, China, Slovakia, Vietnam, Armenia, India, Czech Republic, and Germany. Men prevailed – ca. 10% of those convicted of bribery were women. The most numerous were perpetrators aged 32–40, while the remaining number of offenders was almost equally split amongst the following age brackets 41–50, 22–30, and 51–63 years; the oldest offenders being the least numerous. Two occupational groups clearly predominated: drivers and construction workers. Nonetheless, the perpetrators also included police officers, doctors, nurses, an office worker, and a teacher. The recipients of financial gains, i.e. those to whom the bribes were either handed out or offered, were police officers (48.9% of cases), border guards (31.3%), and customs service officers (15.6%). Individual cases comprise handing out a bribe to an official at the Registry Office (in connection with arranging for a fictitious marriage), public transport ticket inspector, and state railway security service officers. In the cases under study, two places for handing out bribes have been identified, i.e. border crossings (40.6% of cases) and public highways (51% of cases), where traffic police officers are offered material gain. In the vast majority of cases, it was money (amounts ranged from PLN 50.00 to over PLN 1,000.00). Every third perpetrator, a foreign national, was under the influence of alcohol when offering the bribe. The study of foreigners convicted of bribery in the years spanning 2008–2013 identifies two situations in which acts of corruption take place. The first one, driving under the influence of alcohol. Handing out material benefits to a traffic police officer, usually money, is intended to dissuade him from imposing a substantial fine, or from instigating criminal proceedings (prosecution), and consequently from an imposition of a ban on driving motor vehicles by a court of law. The other one, handing out financial benefits to Border Guard or Customs Service officers. When analysing the explanations provided by the perpetrators of bribery, how they tried to rationalise their attempts to corrupt public officials (the police, border guards, customs service officers), the investigators found that it all seemed to stem from a different legal culture in the societies they come from, i.e. a culture of open disregard for the law, public morality in which everything can be ‘sorted out,’ even if it means that the perpetrator effectively evades criminal liability. A public morality in which both parties, a public official and a citizen, conspire to circumvent the law. I am therefore inclined to brand the social background of origin of the 80% of foreign nationals convicted of bribery in Poland as ‘corruption-spawning communities,’ where in the relationship between a citizen and a government agency official it is perfectly natural to offer/accept a consideration for ‘sorting things out.’ Foreign nationals charged with bribery, except for a single case of conditional discontinuance of the proceedings in progress, were sentenced to fines and other punitive measures. A conditionally suspended term of imprisonment prevailed, followed closely by a fine. Apart from the actual penalties, the courts also applied selected punitive measures, such as driving bans, cash considerations, forfeiture of items originating directly from the offence, forfeiture of items actually used, or intended for use in the perpetration of an offence. Immediate custodial sentence was imposed in three cases, i.e. in convictions for several offences, such as bribery, driving under the influence of alcohol, and assaulting a public official.
PL
The Act of 20 February 2015 amending the Penal Code and certain other acts introduced a completely new model of protective measures (środki zabezpieczające). The article contains a critical analysis of the principles that lay at the foundation of the legislator’s move to create the current solutions, namely wide application of non-custodial protective measures, execution of those measures only after the execution of the imprisonment sentence and application of protective measures to convicts sentenced to non-custodial punishment. The author also analyses the consequences of applying these principles in particular provisions and the controversy concerning the compliance of the new normative solutions with the Constitution. The author also points to the doubts whether the advantages of extending the application of protective measures will balance the weakening of the guaranteeing function of criminal law.
PL
Autorka opracowania prezentuje zasadnicze założenia reformatorskie przeprowadzone w ramach kodyfikacji karnej z 1997 roku. Odnosi się do najbardziej rozległych nowelizacji kodeksu karnego, które weszły w życie z dniem 1 lipca 2015 roku oraz do zmian przewidzianych w ustawie z dnia 13 czerwca 2019 roku, skierowanej przez Prezydenta RP w dniu 28 czerwca 2019 roku do Trybunału Konstytucyjnego. W toku rozważań autorka odwołuje się do najczęściej dyskutowanych regulacji, które wskazują na kształtowanie się nowej filozofii karania. Poważne zastrzeżenia, jej zdaniem, budzi kierunek dokonanych zmian, które istotnie zwiększają punitywność systemu karnego, wytyczają kierunek polityki karnej zmierzający do wyraźnego zaostrzenia represji karnej. Autorka akcentuje niespójność systemowych rozwiązań, podaje w wątpliwość ich zasadność i wyraża dezaprobatę dla przyjętej ostatnio strategii rozwoju prawa karnego.
EN
The author of the study presents the main assumptions carried out under the penal codification of 1997. She refers to the most extensive amendments of the Penal Code that entered into force on 1st July 2015 and also to the amendments provided for in the Act of 13th June 2019, that were referred by the President of the Republic of Poland to the Constitutional Tribunal on 28th June 2019. In the course of considerations, the author refers to the most frequently discussed regulations, that point out the formation of a new philosophy of punishment. She has reservations about the direction of the changes that significantly increase the range of punitive measures of the penal system and set the direction of penal policy aimed at a distinct tightening of criminal repression. The author emphasises the inconsistency of system solutions, casts doubt on their legitimacy and expresses disapproval regarding the recently adopted strategy for the development of penal law.
EN
In his paper, the author considers the question of the dimension of ecclesiastical penalties in the context of the salvation of souls. He reaches the conclusion that the law of the Church and the power of punishment are closely associated with the same nature and mission of the Church which was established by Christ, not only as a spiritual community linked by supernatural bonds but also as a visible community, which, for the realization of its salvific mission (salus animarum), has at its disposal various means, including the power to inflict penalties. Ecclesiastical penalty always entails some diminution or even deprivation of rights that belonged to a person because of the state of life in the Church. The Church and, more precisely, those who stand at the head of communities apply penalties under the authority of Christ. The infliction of ecclesiastical penalties is effectuated within the triple function of the power of governance, i.e. legislative, executive, and judicial. However, criminal sanctions are inflicted on condition of external violation and it must be a violation of some penal statute, general or particular, or penal regulation. In addition, there must be significant sanity as a result of intentional or unintentional guilt. If it lacks any of the above-mentioned elements, it is not possible to impose of a criminal sanction in the Church in a particular case. Although this principle is absolute, still it permits an exception. Namely, the legislator allows punishment also for exceeding the legal provision that is not backed by a criminal sanction under two conditions: if the special gravity of the offense demands punishing and if, at the same time, the need to avoid scandal or to repair it is urgent. This is always done in the context of the salus animarum.
EN
The Act of 20 February 2015 amending the Penal Code and certain other acts introduced a completely new model of protective measures (środki zabezpieczające). The article contains a critical analysis of the principles that lay at the foundation of the legislator’s move to create the current solutions, namely wide application of non-custodial protective measures, execution of those measures only after the execution of the imprisonment sentence and application of protective measures to convicts sentenced to non-custodial punishment. The author also analyses the consequences of applying these principles in particular provisions and the controversy concerning the compliance of the new normative solutions with the Constitution. The author also points to the doubts whether the advantages of extending the application of protective measures will balance the weakening of the guaranteeing function of criminal law.
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