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EN
This article provides an overview of how children and young people who are victims of sexual violence seek help and support from online forums, and the reactions and responses following such posts. Also, we look at how rape myths and stereotypes affect both the victims’ and respondents’ attitudes towards sexual violence, victim-blaming, and help-seeking. The analysis is based on 28 original forum posts about personally experienced sexual violence and 361 reactions to these original posts. At the time of the abuse the victims were between the ages of 5 and 17. By combining discursive psychological methodology with qualitative thematic analysis, we were able to distinguish six dominant interpretative repertoires, three dominant repertoires from the victims’ posts (trying to start a dialogue, self-blaming, and uncertainty on recognizing intimate partner rape) and three from respondents’ reactions (victim-blaming, justifying the perpetrator, and the stereotype of the “ideal victim”). For children and young people in our sample, the observed internet forum was mainly a starting point to gain courage and guidance for seeking help offline (e.g., telling one’s mother or reporting abuse to the police). Victims often attributed behavioural self-blame (Janoff-Bulman 1979) to themselves. Intimate partner rape by a peer was often categorized as a betrayal of trust or crossing the boundaries but seldom as a crime. Underaged victims of intimate partner rape showed more characterological blame than other victims. The most common reaction to victims’ posts was victim-blaming, mainly behavioural blaming associated with clothing, alcohol consumption, and (not) resisting the abuse/violence. Victims below the age of ten and victims of intrafamilial sexual abuse were not blamed. The ideology of the “ideal victim” played a pivotal part in the respondents’ reactions and in the observable outcome for the victim. “Ideal victims” were approached with empathy, support, and adequate guidance, in contrast to the victims who diverged from the “ideal victim” stereotype and were blamed, shamed, insulted, and rarely guided to further action. The only victims who got the help they expected (e.g., were able to tell someone or report the crime) were the ones conforming with the “ideal victim” stereotype. When children disclose sexual abuse, the reactions of others are critical determinants of whether the child gets the needed help and support or is silenced. These reactions of others do not include only blaming and shaming but also redefining the experience and the victim status. Rape was often redefined to something less, sometimes even to the extent of the act being normalised as if it was just normal sexual interactions or maybe “sex gone wrong”. Sexual aggression was portrayed as a normal part of male masculinity, and female victims were portrayed as naive and stupid, but at the same time as flirtatious and deviant “gate-keepers” of male sexuality. Interestingly, perpetrator behaviour was justified with the same rhetorical tools as victims were blamed; for instance, intoxicated victims were attributed more blame, yet intoxicated perpetrators were justified or even exonerated of blame. In this study, we looked at language use as an important part of reproducing and perpetuating rape myths and negative stereotypes surrounding sexual violence. This study highlighted how strong rape myths and stereotypes are, and how these are reproduced and reinforced through small everyday interactions over and over again.
PL
W artykule zawarto przegląd badań dotyczących profilaktyki przemocy seksualnej wśród młodzieży. Szczególny nacisk położono na mity na temat zgwałceń (rape myths) i ich modyfikowanie na drodze edukacji. Przedstawiono również inne metody, w tym zweryfikowane empirycznie – np. bystander intervention, a także aspekty prawne profilaktyki przemocy seksualnej wśród młodzieży i działania podejmowane przez polskie organizacje pozarządowe w tej kwestii. Podkreślono rolę edukacji seksualnej w zapobieganiu przemocy seksualnej wśród młodzieży.
EN
The article contains a review of research on the prevention of sexual violence among young people. Particular emphasis was placed on myths about rape myths and their modification through education. Other methods were also presented, including empirically verified ones, e.g. bystander intervention, as well as legal aspects of the prevention of sexual violence among young people and actions taken by Polish NGOs in this matter. The role of sex education in preventing sexual violence among young people was emphasized.
PL
Mity wspierające kulturę gwałtu można zdefiniować jako krzywdzące, stereotypowe lub fałszywe przekonania na temat gwałtu, ofiar gwałtu i gwałcicieli, obejmujące takie twierdzenia, jak: kobiety mają na myśli „tak”, gdy mówią „nie”; kobiety prowokują gwałt; jeśli kobieta nie chce być zgwałcona, będzie walczyć za wszelką cenę. Te wszechobecne postawy społeczne mogą mieć szkodliwy wpływ na ofiary przemocy seksualnej, zwłaszcza gdy są one stosowane w trakcie postępowań. W związku z tym celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza wpływu mitów na postrzeganie ofiar przemocy seksualnej w trakcie oficjalnych postępowań na przykładzie orzecznictwa Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka (ETPCz). Pierwsza część wyjaśnia pojęcie mitów o gwałcie, podczas gdy druga część zawiera analizę orzecznictwa ETPCz. Wreszcie ostatnia część sugeruje nowe podejście do spraw dotyczących przemocy seksualnej.
EN
Rape myths can be defined as prejudicial, stereotyped or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists, and they include common opinions whereby women mean “yes” when they say “no”; women provoke rape; if a woman does not want to be raped, she will just fight back at any cost. These pervasive social attitudes can have a detrimental effect on victims of sexual violence, especially when employed by authorities during official proceedings. As such, this article aims at analyzing to what extent rape myths affect the perception of victims of sexual violence during the official proceedings on the example of the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR). Thus the first part explains the notion of rape myths, while the second part provides an analysis of the jurisprudence of the ECHR. Lastly, the final part suggests new approach to cases concerning sexual violence.
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