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Risk According to the Relational Theory of Society

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Taking social relations into consideration allows us to be mindful of the life-world and the social system. A social relation should be intended as an emergent phenomenon of a mutual act, with an autonomous connotation that goes beyond those who implement it. At the same time, it can be traced back to referential semantics, as it exists within a framework of symbolic meaning, and to structural semantics, because it is at the same time a resource and a constraint for the social system. If these are the general foundations of the relational theory of society, adding risk to this perspective as a descriptive model has some distinguishing features. For example, as a dimension of everyday life it is a “neutral category.” It is based on that “insecure security” whose results, positive or negative, will derive from the kind of balance established between “resources and challenges” or, as we claim in this paper, between “goals and means.”
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This paper discusses the philosophical background and socio-theoretical affinities of Pierpaolo Donati’s relational sociology, focusing particularly on language as a missing element in relational social ontology. Following a discussion of Norbert Elias’s and Charles Wright Mills’s ideas of modernity as a counterpart to Donati’s theorizing, the paper criticizes the concept of relational society and the limitations to its applicability. The author argues that the communicational aspect of social relations calls for linguistic normativity as the basis of all normativity in a society that Margaret Archer and Donati call “morphogenic.”
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At the beginning of the 1980s, Pierpaolo Donati initiated in Italy the relational turn in sociology, while in France Alain Caillé stipulated the anti-utilitarian movement in social sciences. The acronym MAUSS (from Mouvement Anti-Utilitariste en Sciences Sociales) simultaneously refers to the surname of Marcel Mauss, author of the pioneering work on the gift-Essai sur le don. This movement forms and spreads a new gift paradigm. The notion of the gift has shifted from a specific phenomenon researched in archaic societies towards a basic category for theorizing social order and taking a central position in research on modern transformations. The relational paradigm also focuses on the gift as a crucial aspect of social relations, and on its importance for the civil society. The article traces and discusses various interpretations of the concept of gift, along with the influence of the anti-utilitarian movement and the gift paradigm on relational sociology.
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Many scholars today share a view of relational sociology as a processual-transactional approach whose basic tenet is the fluid, relativistic, contingent, transactional character of social relations. They invite sociologists to see our so-called objects (societies, institutions, social patterns, conflicts, social movements, social classes, etc.) in a processual way. In this contribution the author objects that relationalism offers a reductive vision of social reality, because it supports a flat social ontology rather than a stratified social ontology. Relationalism reduces relationships to pure flows, considering structures as purely contingent, while relational sociology attributes a structure to relationships and gives autonomy to structures, even if they are produced by processes. We have to distinguish between different orders of reality: the processual-interactional (relationalist) and the relational orders. To see all of this, it is necessary to assume a relational gaze that is only possible if a supra-functional, morphogenetic framework is adopted.
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Relational sociology rejects substantialism and focuses its attention on the complexity and dynamics of all forms of social life and the subjective nature of action. Relational thinking is an alternative attitude to both functional structuralism and strongly individualistic-oriented theories. Relationality emphasizes the processual and emergent nature of reality. Actions— individual and collective—appear as successive stages of a specific process of events, and result from the configuration of relations and social interactions constituting a particular situation. Different conceptions of identity have been developed within relationally oriented sociology. The aim of the article is to summarize the narrative and realistic approaches, and to present how much they differ in their ontological assumptions. The constructionist concept of narrative identity presented by Margaret R. Somers, and Kenneth J. Gergen’s project of a “relational self,” illustrate the narrative approach. Pierpaolo Donati’s concept of the relational subject and the theory of agency developed by Margaret S. Archer exemplify the position of critical realism.
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This paper analyses the concept of everyday life as formulated in relational sociology. It shows that Pierpaolo Donati’s historical analysis of the dualist nature of everyday life is similar to that of Alvin Gouldner but that the two authors’ approaches differ in terms of the possibility of overcoming this dualism. From the perspective of relational sociology, sociological interpretations of everyday life can be traced to two paradigms. The first is the Marxist paradigm, in which everyday life is primarily characterized by forms of alienation. The second is the phenomenological paradigm, in which everyday life primarily consists of producing meaning. The first paradigm examines stories and cultures of subordinate social groups, and denounces domination and alienation in everyday life. The second paradigm examines the common-sense world, and how it is taken for granted, structured, and inter-subjective. Relational sociology seeks to overcome these two paradigms by highlighting their aporias, and considers alienation to be the outcome of a deep division between the ultimate meaning of life and the culture of everyday life. While in order to overcome this dualism, Gouldner offers an immanent reading of everyday life, relational sociology tries to show how in everyday life the relationship between social practices and culture may give rise to a new form of secularism that is accepting of non-fundamentalist aspects of religious belief.
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Multiculturalism is a term spreading in the West during the 1960s to indicate respect, tolerance and defence of cultural minorities. The idea of multiculturalism has become a collective imaginary (“all different, all equals”). It has generated a political ideology supporting an inclusive citizenship towards “different” cultures. After being adopted as official policy in many Countries, multiculturalism has generated more negative than positive effects (fragmenting the society, separating the minorities and fostering cultural relativism). As a political doctrine, it seems harder and harder to be put into practice. At its place, today we talk of interculturality. But this expression too seems quite vague and uncertain. This essay discusses on the possible alternatives to multiculturalism, asking itself whether the way of interculturality can be a solution or not. The Author’s thesis is that the theory of interculturality has the advantage to stress the inter, namely what lies in between different cultures. But it does not possess yet the conceptual and effective means to understand and handle the problems of the public sphere, when the different cultures express cultural values radically conflictual between them. The troubles of interculturality result from two lacks: an insufficient reflexivity inside the single cultures, and the lack of a relational interface between the different cultures (between the carrier subjects). Modern western Reason created a societal structure (lib-lab) promoting neither the first nor the second one. In fact, it neutralizes them, because it faces the dilemmas of values inside the cultural diversities through criteria of ethical indifference. Such criteria set reflexivity to zero, preventing individuals to understand the deepest reasons of the vital experience of the others. Reason is emptied of its meaning and of its understanding capability. To go over the failures of multiculturalism and the fragilities of interculturality, a lay approach to the coexistence of cultures is required, being able to give strength back to Reason, through new semantics of the inter-human diversity. The Author suggests the development of the “relational reason,” beyond the forms already known of rationality. To make Reason relational might be the best way to imagine a new social order of society, being able to humanize the globalizing processes and the growing migrations. The after-modern society would be more or less human, depending on how it will be able to widen the human Reason, structuring it inside a new “relational unit” with the religious faith.
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This paper considers the concept of active ageing from the perspective of relational sociology. Active ageing is the process of optimizing opportunities for health, participation, and security in order to enhance quality of life as people age. Ageing occurs in a relational network (the family, society), with a whole range of reciprocal mutual interactions (support, care, etc.). Starting from an operationalization of the relational components (Donati 2011) of the active ageing process, SHARE data were considered, as well as data collected for the Italian survey Non mi ritiro: l’allungamento della vita, una sfida per le generazioni, un’opportunità per la società (“I’m Not Withdrawing: The Lengthening of Life, a Challenge for the Generations, an Opportunity for Society”, 2013–2014, N=900), in which the way Italians and other Europeans face ageing was explored. Finally, the focus was ona sub-sample of older adults active in various relational networks, such as their families (grandparents and caregivers aged 65+ of the older generation) and third-sector organizations. By embracing a relational (intergenerational) lens it was possible to grasp the differentiation that characterizes the ageing process, the transformations and standstills of individuals, as well as different orientations and ideas that facilitate or hinder the path to active ageing.
EN
The paper presents a general outline of the author’s relational sociology,showing it to be different from other relational sociologies, which are,in fact, figurational, transactional, or purely communicative. Relational sociologyis conceived as a way of observing and thinking that starts from the assumption that the problems of society are generated by social relationsand aims to understand, and if possible, solve them, not purely on the basisof individual or voluntary actions, nor conversely, purely through collectiveor structural ones, but via new configurations of social relations. Thesocial is relational in essence. Social facts can be understood and explained by assuming that “in the beginning (of any social fact there) is the relation.”Ultimately, this approach points to the possibility of highlighting thoserelational processes that can better realize the humanity of social agentsand give them, as relational subjects, the opportunity to achieve a goodlife in a society that is becoming increasingly complex as the processes of globalization proceed.
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The Place of Culture in Relational Sociology

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Margaret S. Archer and Pierpaolo Donati have independently developed relational approaches in the social sciences. Combining morphogenetic theory and the relational theory of society opens up new research perspectives. This article attempts to investigate relational conceptions of culture by answering two questions: one related to the nature of culture and the other to the place of culture in relational sociology. Assuming the complementarity of the theories of both sociologists, the possibility that their conceptions may be inconsistent or even contradict each other is not discounted. The article discusses the issue of symbolization and the presence of processes of semiosis within relational sociology. It is argued that apart from the Cultural System and the Socio-Cultural interaction assumed by Archer’s analytical dualism, a more general category of Cultural Reality can be introduced. This theme is further discussed in the light of Donati’s views on human reality; he postulates including the relational frame of symbolization. Analysis shows that culture occupies a central place in relational sociology. This article exposes the complexity of the nature of culture in human reality.
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Relational Sociology Paradigms

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This article is an analysis of three original variants of relational sociology. Jan A. Fuhse’s conception, which is part of the tradition of social network research, situates network analyses in the context of connections between culture and symbolic forms and styles. Fuhse’s idea involves a communicative base of relations, and he perceives institutions as spheres of communication that reduce uncertainty and activate roles in the process of communication. François Dépelteau’s approach, which is inspired by Dewey’s pragmatism, recognizes transaction fields as configurations of relations forming interdependency between people. The practices of actors entering transactions within social fields are important, and this makes it possible for an impression of continuity, order, and complexity to be created. Pierpaolo Donati’s relational realism is an attempt to describe the relational dimensions of human actions, while at the same time it is a consistent “relationization” of key social categories, and is also useful in understanding after-modernity. This article emphasizes the fruitfulness of new attempts to demarcate sociological genealogies and to read the classics of relational sociology. The author discusses the creation of new puzzles for sociological theory, the necessity of analysing the ontologies of social life, the phenomena of emergency and agency, and the use of relational theory in regard to categories of the common good and social capital. He encourages multidimensional and multilevel analyses of social reality.
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Podstawowe zagadnienie podjęte w tym opracowaniu, tj. przebaczenie, dotyczy kwestii bardzo ważnej dla rozwoju relacji międzyludzkich i budowania społeczeństwa. Problem przebaczenia jest dość często analizowany z perspektywy teologii, filozofii czy psychologii, ale nadal w niewielkim stopniu z perspektywy socjologii. Tymczasem, teorie społeczne nie powinny unikać tego zagadnienia, które odgrywa tak istotną rolę w relacjach społecznych. Przebaczenie ma specjalny charakter korekcyjny w budowaniu społeczeństwa, ludzkich relacji, jak również w kształtowaniu ludzkiej osobowości. Dynamika przebaczenia z zachodzącym w nim procesem morfogenetycznym w sposób szczególny przekształca osobę i jej relacje.
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The paper is focused on a very important aspect of building society and relationality, that is, forgiveness. This issue is quite often treated from the psychological, philosophical or theological perspectives, but it is still not sufficiently worked out in social sciences. Actually, it is also my point that no social theory should avoid this question, as it plays such an important role in social relations. As I will try to demonstrate, forgiveness has a special corrective character in human relationships as well as in building society and shaping human personality. The dynamics of forgiveness with its morphogenetic process, in a special way, transforms a person and his relations.
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The article shows distinct types of religiosity coexisting in a Parisian catholic parish, as evident in differences in organization of the mass observed between three liturgical animators. The analysis of differences of religious preferences is especially pertinent in case of studies made in parishes, as they are often heterogenous communities due to the arbitrary (and not voluntary) assignment of their members. The analysis proposed in the article draws from Simmel’s theory of religion as well as from the actor-network-theory, in the paradigm of relational sociology, which aims to take into account the specifics of religious phenomena. Therefore, the main task is to represent crucial relation between believers and the spiritual realm. Preferences regarding liturgy are shown as resulting from different ways of conceptualizing relation between the faithful and their God.
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Artykuł przedstawia modele religijności występujące w paryskiej parafii katolickiej, rekonstruowane na podstawie różnic w organizacji mszy obserwowanych między trojgiem animatorów liturgicznych. Analiza różnic preferencji religijnych jest zagadnieniem szczególnie istotnym w przypadku badań parafii. Często są to wspólnoty wewnętrznie zróżnicowane, co wynika z arbitralnego (a nie dobrowolnego) przyporządkowania wiernych. Proponowana analiza odwołuje się do teorii religii Simmla oraz teorii aktora-sieci, sytuując się w nurcie socjologii relacyjnej, podkreślającej konieczność brania pod uwagę specyfiki zjawisk religijnych. W konsekwencji głównym zadaniem jest opisanie kluczowej dla nich relacji między wierzącymi a rzeczywistością duchową. Preferencje liturgiczne zostały opisane jako wynikające z odmiennego postrzegania centralnej dla katolicyzmu relacji między wiernymi a ich Bogiem.
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The article analyses exemplary conditions of the emergence feeling of threat from immigrants in the receiving society. The theoretical basis of the analysis is the social relation between the “native” and the “stranger” as a space for the emergence of xenophobic attitudes. The perspective of critical realism made it possible to understand the feeling of threat from the "stranger" as a phenomenon which is relationally conditioned on many levels of social reality
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W artykule została podjęta analiza przykładowych uwarunkowań wyłaniania się poczucia zagrożenia ze strony imigrantów w społeczeństwie przyjmującym. Teoretyczną podstawą analizy została uczyniona relacja społeczna pomiędzy „tubylcem” a „obcym” jako przestrzeń wyłaniania się postaw ksenofobicznych. Perspektywa realizmu krytycznego pozwoliła ująć tego typu poczucie zagrożenia ze strony „obcego” jako zjawisko relacyjnie uwarunkowane na wielu poziomach rzeczywistości społecznej.
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