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1
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We Just Want to Lead Ordinary Lives – Internal Con icts and Politics of Disintegration in Post-Disaster Indigenous Village in Taiwan

100%
Kot-Gilewicz O.
Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology
|
2016
|
vol. 7
|
issue 14
71-85
EN
This paper draws on ethnographic fieldwork to present an account of the current situation of one of the indigenous villages of Taiwan in the face of a natural disaster related interference of the state and non-government organisations, and the struggle of its inhabitants to maintain cultural integrity and socio-political independence. After Morakot typhoon hit the island of Taiwan in August 2009 causing numerous landslides, several indigenous villages including those situated in the mountains' interior, were permanently relocated to the vicinity of the plains and mainstream Han Chinese society. In the process of relocation the government as well as non-government organizations were involved. To the villagers who took an active part in the negotiations process, the new relocation site became an opportunity to unite most of the previously scattered members of the community However the conflicts instigated during the negotiations led several families to refuse relocation. In order to survive in the abandoned village they have returned to traditional mode of subsistence. In their eyes they have become the protectors of their group's traditional territory and sole guardians of the village. Hence by the means of traditional and state provided socio-political structures the villagers have successfully blocked government as well as non-government projects regarding the village, which led to shift of internal authority Through this experience the villagers came to realize increasing sociocultural differences between the mainstream Han Chinese society and their own heritage as well as growing distance between the inhabitants of the original village and the residents of the relocated settlement. Their experience led them to a firm conviction about traditional knowledge to be the guarantor of prosperity and solution to any problems.
2
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Model schyłku i odrodzenia klastrów

100%
Gancarczyk M.
Gospodarka Narodowa. The Polish Journal of Economics
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2010
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vol. 238
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issue 3
1-21
EN
The paper proposes a model to describe the decline and renewal of business clusters based on the evolution of network ties. The proposed model relies on the idea of external network effects, and the author uses the results of research into the evolution of clusters with a varied level of technological advancement. In response to the challenges of globalization and computerization, companies operating in clusters adopt strategies oriented toward a system of internal or external ties, according to Gancarczyk. Strategies oriented toward regional networks fail to protect businesses from threats related to being isolated from the rest of the economy, which implies the negative external effects of networks and a threat of cluster decline, the author says. On the other hand, strategies based on developing foreign ties linked with the relocation of selected components of the value chain (so-called selective relocation) make it possible to avoid isolation and generate positive scale effects, both internationally and globally. Relocation processes underlie the development of modular production networks in which standard components of the value chain are subject to scattering toward locations with a cost advantage, while components with a higher value added and linked with the development of knowledge and innovation tend to be concentrated in regional clusters, according to Gancarczyk.
3
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Unijny system relokacji w sprawozdaniach Komisji Europejskiej. Ocena i perspektywy

89%
Potyrała A.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2018
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issue 2
71-90
EN
On September 26, 2017, the decisions concerning the relocation of persons in clear need of international protection formally ceased to bind. Until that time, out of 160,000 persons, only 29,000 have been relocated. With the application of two academic methods (that of legal analysis and analysis of political decisions), the following research questions are addressed in this paper: (1) what were the reasons of some member states to refuse relocation?; (2) what actions have been taken by the European Commission to persuade member states to fulfill their legal obligations?; (3) what are the consequences of non-compliance with legal obligations to relocate persons in need of international protection? The paper presents an analysis of the European Commission’s monthly reports on relocation. The reasons for member states’ non-compliance with their legal obligations and for their reluctance to reform the EU asylum and immigration policy have been pointed out. The analysis demonstrates that EU member states have given priority to state security, setting aside the principle of solidarity and fair sharing of responsibility in migration and asylum policies, stipulated in EU treaties.
PL
26 września 2017 r. formalnie zakończył się okres obowiązywania decyzji o relokacji osób będących w oczywistej potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej. Z przewidzianych 160 tysięcy, relokacji poddano do tego czasu nieco ponad 29 tysięcy osób. Przy zastosowaniu metody analizy prawnej oraz analizy decyzyjnej, w artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na następujące pytania badawcze: (1) co było przyczyną odmowy dokonania relokacji przez niektóre państwa członkowskie?; (2) jakie działania podejmowała Komisja Europejska chcąc nakłonić państwa do wypełnienia zobowiązań prawnych?; (3) jakie konsekwencje pociąga za sobą odmowa dokonania relokacji osób, będących w potrzebie ochrony międzynarodowej?. W artykule analizie poddano cykliczne sprawozdania Komisji Europejskiej z funkcjonowania nadzwyczajnego, czasowego mechanizmu relokacji. W toku poprowadzonych rozważań wskazano przyczyny niewywiązywania się przez państwa członkowskie z prawnych zobowiązań oraz przyczyny braku woli dokonania rzeczywistej reformy polityki azylowej i imigracyjnej. Udowodniono, że wyrażone w traktatach zobowiązanie do wspólnych, solidarnych działań w obliczu kryzysów ustąpiło miejsca partykularnym dążeniom do wzmocnienia ochrony terytoriów państwowych.
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Solidarność europejska a relokacja osób wymagających ochrony międzynarodowej

88%
Adamczyk A.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2017
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issue 2(363)
41-62
EN
Migration crisis showed the division of EU Member States and thus a lack of solidarity in tackling the problem of immigration. The analysis in this article focuses on presenting the approach of EU Member States to the idea of solidarity in the face of the migration crisis. Joint decisions taken at EU level on the issue of relocation of persons in need of international protection and implementation of those decisions are discussed. According to the author of the article realization of the principle of solidarity of the EU in the face of migration crisis is not observed.
5
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Relokacja działalności gospodarczej a spójność w państwach członkowskich UE

88%
Panicz U., Tomidajewicz J. J.
Przegląd Zachodni
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2015
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issue 1(354)
193-208
EN
The purpose of this paper is to define delocalization magnitude for cohesion and employment in EU member states. The first part presents general theoretical reflections on the conception of relocation in EU member states. The empirical part of the paper shows directions of delocalization in the EU, and its impact on employment and cohesion. In the results section, it points out that the relocation processes have a varying influence on cohesion, depending on the level of analysis.
6

Nadine Gordimer: Familiar Tales From South Africa

88%
Caraivan L.
Romanian Journal of English Studies
|
2014
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vol. 11
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issue 1
71-77
EN
The paper analyses the new perspectives in Nadine Gordimer’s writings, focusing on her post-Apartheid works. The concepts of home, relocation, cultural diversity, violence and the issue of the Other are examined, as they represent the key factors in defining and understanding South Africa and its multicultural and multiracial communities.
7
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Państwa Grupy Wyszehradzkiej wobec kryzysu imigracyjnego w Unii Europejskiej

75%
Adamczyk A.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2017
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vol. 2017 (43)(1)
10-40
PL
The purpose of this article is to analyse the attitude of the Visegrad Group countries towards the immigration crisis in the EU. The article shows the joint activities of the V4 countries and their decisions taken at national level. The main thesis posed in this article states that the negative attitudes towards compulsory relocation of immigrants have activated the Visegrad Group countries and have integrated them with common aims. The article shows a split in among the member states of the EU and thus a lack of solidarity in solving the immigration’s problem. Celem artykułu jest analiza stosunku państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej do kryzysu imigracyjnego w UE. Zaprezentowano w nim wspólne działania państw V4, jak i decyzje podejmowane na poziomie narodowym. W artykule postawiono tezę, że negatywny stosunek do obowiązkowej relokacji imigrantów uaktywnił państwa należące do Grupy Wyszehradzkiej i zbliżył je do siebie. Pokazano rozłam w UE i tym samym brak solidarności państw członkowskich w rozwiązywaniu problemu imigracji.
8
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The role of ideology in the Polish political debate over the 2015 migration crisis

75%
Łotocki Ł.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2023
|
issue Special Issue 2023
93-119
EN
The aim of this article is to reconstruct the main ideological assumptions present in the Polish political debate about the migration crisis in Europe in 2015. The article also poses research questions about the extent to which the ideological beliefs manifested by the participants in the debate posed a risk of distorting reality, as well as questions about the ways in which specific ideological beliefs were imposed on the public and political opponents. The main method used in the article is a qualitative discourse analysis based on elements of the mediation approach proposed by Tomasz Piekot. The identification of the main ideological assumptions present in linguistic political messages was conducted taking into account the generalised division between supporters and opponents of Polish participation in the relocation and resettlement mechanism established in 2015 at the forum of the European Union. The analysis was based on theoretical considerations concerning the concept of ideology, as well as the relationships between politics, ideologies, language, and political debate. The analysis shows that in the case of both of the principal sides of the political dispute on the topic addressed, there were simplifications, generalisations, metaphors and examples of hyperbole distorting the picture of reality caused by ideological assumptions. Both supporters and opponents of relocation and resettlement utilised ideologically motivated instrumental linguistic behaviours in order to achieve their assumed political goal. The issue of Polish participation in the relocation mechanism was automatically and excessively simplified by attempts to identify it with such issues as humanitarianism, security, and European solidarity.
9
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Modes and Measures of Business Support During Wartime: The Case of the Carpathian Region of Ukraine

75%
Mulska O., Baranyak I., Demkiv: I.
Studia Regionalne i Lokalne
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2023
|
issue Special Issue
25-36
EN
This article reveals the geographical distribution, structures, and problematic aspects of business migration to the oblasts of the Carpathian region of Ukraine and abroad. In the context of the Russian–Ukrainian war, the article assesses the risks and threats that internal and international business migration pose to the Ukrainian economic system, economies of the Carpathian region, the internal consumer market, and business entities. Measures to mitigate the threats of business migration to the Carpathian region are offered. The implementation of certain measures will eliminate the identified threats to relocated businesses and minimise the risks to the social and economic development of the Carpathian region and Ukraine as a whole.
10
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Rola ideologii w polskiej debacie politycznej o kryzysie migracyjnym w 2015 roku

75%
Łotocki Ł.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2021
|
issue 3 (380)
43-65
EN
The aim of the article is to reconstruct the main ideological assumptions present in the Polish political debate on the immigration crisis in Europe in 2015. The article also formulates research questions about the extent to which the ideological beliefs manifested by the participants in the debate posed a risk of falsifying (distorting) the image of reality, as well as about the ways in which specific ideological beliefs were imposed on the public opinion and political opponents. The main method used in the article is a qualitative politological discourse analysis based on elements of the mediation approach proposed by Tomasz Piekot. The identification of the main ideological assumptions present in the language of political messages was carried out taking into account the generalized division between supporters and opponents of the participation of the Polish state in the implementation of the relocation and resettlement mechanism established in 2015 at the forum of the European Union. The analysis was based on theoretical considerations concerning the category of ideology, as well as the relationship between the categories of politics, ideologies, language and political debate. The analysis shows that in the case of both main sides of the political dispute on the topic addressed, there were simplifications, generalisations, metaphors or hyperboles distorting the image of reality caused by the ideological assumptions made. Both supporters and opponents of relocation and resettlement resorted to instrumental linguistic behaviours motivated by ideology in order to achieve the assumed main political goal. The issue of the Polish state's participation in the implementation of the relocation mechanism was automatically and excessively simplified by attempts to identify it with such issues as humanitarianism, security and European solidarity.
11
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Wishful thinking. The attitude of Polish government towards immigration after 2015

71%
Adamczyk A.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2019
|
issue 4
121-140
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza polskiej polityki migracyjnej po 2015 roku. Autorka chciałaby ukazać rozbieżności między politycznymi deklaracjami a rzeczywistością. Celem artykułu jest także pokazanie stanowiska rządu Prawa i Sprawiedliwości wobec polityki UE w sprawie rozwiązania kryzysu migracyjnego oraz otwartości Polski na rzecz przyjęcia uchodźców/imigrantów. W artykule postawiono tezę, że polityka migracyjna polskiego rządu w latach 2015–2019 była niespójna.
EN
The purpose of this article is to analyze Polish migration policy after 2015. The author would like to show discrepancies between the political declarations and reality. Its purpose is also to show the position of the Law and Justice government regarding the EU’s policy on solving the migration crisis and Poland’s openness to admitting refugees/immigrants. The article proposes the thesis that the Polish government’s migration policy from 2015–2019 was inconsistent.
12
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Poland towards the migration crisis of 2015–2016

71%
Potyrała A.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2016
|
issue 2
75-88
PL
Presja migracyjna, jakiej państwa członkowskie Unii Europejskiej doświadczają od początków 2015 r., skutkuje w pogłębiających się różnicach w podejściu do problemu imigrantów, dotyczących zwłaszcza tzw. systemu kwotowego uzgodnionego we wrześniu 2015 r. Niniejszy artykuł prezentuje stanowisko Polski wobec narastającego kryzysu, uzasadniające konieczność odejścia od nieograniczonego przyjmowania imigrantów, a także ukazuje podjętą przez Polskę aktywność polityczną i prawną.
EN
The migratory pressures brought to bear on the European Union member states since the early 2015 have deepened differences of approach to addressing the migration crisis, especially as regards the quota system adopted in September 2015. The paper presents Poland’s position on the escalating crisis, its arguments for abandoning the open door policy on immigration as well as the political and legal measures undertaken by Poland.
13
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Ekonomiczny kontekst problemu społecznego — przypadek prekariatu Development trends, asymmetries and impact factors of youth employment in Ukraine

63%
Kryńska E.
Problemy Polityki Społecznej. Studia i Dyskusje
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2017
|
issue 36(1)
13-26
PL
Przedmiotem opracowania są społeczne i ekonomiczne (z położeniem nacisku na ten ostatni) warunki istnienia prekariatu — jednej z siedmiu grup społecznych wyodrębnio-nych przez Guya Standinga. Opracowanie składa się z trzech części. W pierwszej z nich dokonano próby oszacowania liczebności zbiorowości zaliczanej do prekariatu na polskim rynku pracy. W części drugiej przedstawiono społeczne i polityczne skutki istnienia prekariatu. W trzeciej zaś omówiono przyczyny i okoliczności powstania i utrwalania się prekariatu na rynku pracy. Opracowanie zamykają konkluzje zawierające trzy podstawowe wnioski dotyczące skali prekariatu na współczesnych rynkach pracy, jego uwarunkowań ekonomicznych oraz dającej się przewidzieć przyszłości. Zwrócono tam uwagę na to, że w zbiorowości tworzącej prekariat mogą się znaleźć także osoby, którym taka pozycja na rynku pracy w pełni odpowiada.
EN
The paper discusses social and economic dimensions of the precariat (focusing mainly on the latter) — one out of seven social groups distinguished by Guy Standing. The paper consists of three sections. In the first one is an attempt to estimate the number of persons classified as the precariat on the Polish labour market was made. The second part presents social and political consequences of the precariat. The third part discusses causes and circumstances of the emergence and embedment of the precariat on the labour market. The paper sums up with three main conclusions on the scale of the precariat on the con- temporary labour markets, its economic determinants and possible future developments. It was also pointed out that within the precariat there are persons who accept and feel well to be in such a position on the labour market.
14

Calvary of the Germans in Hungary at the end of WWII

63%
Matkovits-Kretz E.
Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies
|
2015
|
vol. 7
|
issue 1
51-59
EN
The German community in Hungary suffered many blows at the end of World War II and after it, on the basis of collective guilt. Immediately after the Red Army had marched in. gathering and deportation started into the camps of the Soviet Union, primarily into forced-labour camps in Donetsk, the Caucasus, and the Ural mountains. One third of them never returned. Those left behind had to face forced resettlement, the confiscation of their properties, and other ordeals. Their history was a taboo subject until the change of the political system in 1989. Not even until our days, by the 70th anniversary of the events, has their story reached a worthy place in national and international remembrance. International collaboration, the establishment of a research institute is needed to set to rights in history the story of the ordeal of the German community after World War II. for the present and future generations
15
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Przesiedlenie i relokacja uchodźców – nowe regulacje w polskim prawie

63%
Krakała A.
Studia Prawno-Ekonomiczne
|
2014
|
vol. XCII (92)
91-101
EN
The ever-growing number of refugees requires the development of new, effective means of solving the problems of refugees in the world. Most refugees live in underdeveloped countries. This raises many internal difficulties, very difficult to overcome that negatively affect the situation of the refugees. Furthermore, these countries are not able to provide protection for refugees at a sufficient level. One of the new measures, promoted by UNHCR are resettlement of refugees, which is humane. Unfortunately, despite the growing interest in this method of solving problems of refugees, the scale of this phenomenon is covered by less than 10% of the world’s needs in this regard. As far as resettlement are global, the relocation is limited only to EU Member States. The essence of the relocation is to help those Member States which have been affected by the massive influx of refugees, by sharing responsibility and solidarity between Member States, in respect of maintenance of refugees. Relocation requires institutional framework, in order to be able to play an important part of the EU’s asylum policy.
16
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Дэпартаваныя са шляхецкіх ваколіцаў ў «аддаляныя губерні Расіі» падчас Студзенскага паўстання 1863–1864 гг.

63%
Швед В.
Przegląd Środkowo-Wschodni
|
2016
|
vol. 1
101-121
PL
W artykule zreferowano temat represji, które dotknęły szlachtę województwa grodzieńskiego za udział w powstaniu 1863–1864 r. Obejmowały one głównie deportacje oraz palenie majątków szlacheckich. Szczuki w powiecie grodzieńskim zostały spalone 24– 25.07.1863 r. (daty podane są wg starego stylu), deportowano 15 rodzin; Jaworówka w powiecie białostockim – spalone 18.08.1863, deportowano 14 rodzin; Penyashki, powiat Pruzhanski – 08.09.1863, 40 osób; Lukowica, powiat bielski – 20.09.1863, 42 rodziny; Prushanka-Baranka, powiat bielski – 24.05.1864, 11 rodzin. W ten sposób wykonano „plan Murawjowa”. Palenie majątków i deportacja mieszkańców w bliskiej perspektywie miała za zadanie zastraszenie szlachty i odsunięcie jej od ruchu powstańczego, by w ten sposób ugasić powstanie. W dalszej perspektywie konfiskata gruntów i nieruchomości miała podważyć stabilność gospodarczą szlachty, żeby nie mogla ona finansować kolejnych buntów. Majątki szlacheckie planowano zasiedlić rosyjskimi ziemianami w celu wzmocnienia „elementu rosyjskiego” w „Kraju Zachodnim”.
EN
The author talks about the deportation of the population and the burning of the gentry outskirts of Grodno province for participating in the uprising of 1863–1864. (Old Style date): Szczuky Grodno district (burned 24–25.07.1863 g, 15 families); Yavorovka Belastokski district (18.08.1863, 14 families); Penyashki Pruzhany district (08.09.1863, 40 persons.); Bulb county Belsky (20.09.1863, at 42 families); Prushanka- Baranka Belsky district (24.05.1864, at 11 families). Thus performed “Muravyova system”. Burning nobiliary outskirts of deportation and residents were to decide the next and perspective tasks. Initially intimidated gentry and detach it from the rebel movement and thereby extinguish the uprising. And the future of the gentry save land, property – undermining economic position that it does not fund future muggle revolt. In the gentry land it was planned to have a Russian landowners in order to strengthen the “Russian element” in the “Western Region”.
17
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Kryzys imigracyjny w UE i sposoby jego rozwiązania

62%
Adamczyk A.
Przegląd Politologiczny
|
2016
|
issue 3
41-66
EN
The subject of the considerations in this paper are the issues related to the activities of the EU to solve the immigration crisis in the period from early 2015 to the end of the first quarter of 2016. This paper describes the phenomenon of immigration into the EU in terms of a quantitative analysis. It highlights the situation in Germany, which is the main destination of potential refugees. The author discusses EU immigration policy and the efforts to solve the immigration crisis (relocation, resettlement, return and cooperation with countries of origin and transit - Turkey, the Western Balkans and Africa). The paper reveals the split in member states and the resulting lack of solidarity in solving the problem.
PL
Przedmiotem rozważań niniejszego artykułu są zagadnienia związane z działaniami UE w zakresie rozwiązania kryzysu imigracyjnego w okresie od początku 2015 roku do końca pierwszego kwartału 2016 roku. W artykule dokonana została analiza ilościowa zjawiska imigracji do UE. Uwypuklono sytuację w Niemczech ze względu na największe zainteresowanie tym krajem ze strony potencjalnych uchodźców. Rozważaniu poddane zostały także polityka imigracyjna UE oraz działania zmierzające do rozwiązania kryzysu imigracyjnego (w tym relokacja, przesiedlenie, powroty oraz współpraca z państwami pochodzenia imigrantów i tranzytu – Turcją, państwami Bałkanów Zachodnich i Afryki). W artykule pokazano rozłam w państwach członkowskich i tym samym brak solidarności w rozwiązywaniu problemu.
18

Urban and Rural Narratives of Female Relocation in Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni’s Novels Queen of Dreams and The Mistress of Spices

51%
Alexandru M.-S. D.
American, British and Canadian Studies Journal
|
2012
|
vol. 19
77-86
EN
In today’s global world, the urban/ rural opposition is increasingly becoming a more relevant marker of the acculturation of foreigners whose adoption of national values is reflected by the spaces they inhabit. As they bring with them traditions related to the healing and balancing forces of the earth, immigrants prompt a reconsideration of the urban/ rural dichotomy in the metropolitan spaces they come to inhabit. Rural landscape in American culture has a long tradition of acting as a source of an alternative symbolic imaginary, responsible for boosting people’s feelings of patriotic commitment that are crucial to national integration. Diasporic American fiction has increasingly combined this tradition with symbolic magic and natural elements brought over from the “other” cultural backgrounds their authors come from. This paper aims to study the socio-political negotiations in a few instances of cultural translation within the urban/ rural dialectic in Chitra Banerjee Divakaruni’s novels The Mistress of Spices and Queen of Dreams. I will suggest that Divakaruni’s female protagonists work their initial experience of dislocation into a discourse of nature and the earth free from boundaries, based on a rejection of urban alienation and the discovery of the reconciliatory potential of America’s nature.
19

Państwa Grupy Wyszehradzkiej wobec kryzysu imigracyjnego w Unii Europejskiej

51%
Adamczyk A.
Przegląd Europejski
|
2017
|
issue 1(43)
10-40
PL
Celem artykułu jest analiza stosunku państw Grupy Wyszehradzkiej do kryzysu imigracyjnego w UE. Zaprezentowano w nim wspólne działania państw V4, jak i decyzje podejmowane na poziomie narodowym. W artykule postawiono tezę, że negatywny stosunek do obowiązkowej relokacji imigrantów uaktywnił państwa należące do Grupy Wyszehradzkiej i zbliżył je do siebie. Pokazano rozłam w UE i tym samym brak solidarności państw członkowskich w rozwiązywaniu problemu imigracji.
EN
The purpose of this article is to analyse the attitude of the Visegrad Group countries towards the immigration crisis in the EU. The article shows the joint action of the V4 countries and their decisions taken at national level. The main thesis posed in this article states that the negative attitudes towards compulsory relocation of immigrants have activated the Visegrad Group countries and have integrated them with common aims. The article shows a split in among the member states of the EU and thus a lack of solidarity in solving the immigration’s problem.
20
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Identity aspects of urban community integration. Expatriates: between Vilnius and Gdańsk

51%
Stankiewicz K.
Studia Pedagogiczne
|
2016
|
vol. LXIX
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