Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 5

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

Search:
in the keywords:  remembrance policy
help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest analiza związków prawa i polityki historycznej w Polsce w ujęciu systemowym, integrującym narzędzia nauk prawnych i politycznych. Głównym celem jest ukazanie wzajemnych zależności między prawem – ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem prawa konstytucyjnego – a zaangażowaniem państwa w politykę pamięci. Artykuł podsumowuje obecny stan prawny i jego ramy formalne dla systemu polityki historycznej oraz decyzje polityczne dotyczące realizacji konstytucyjnej powinności upamiętnienia przeszłości. Dyskutując elementy systemu polityki historycznej w Polsce, ich umiejscowienie w ramach prawnych oraz dynamikę działań politycznych autorzy ukazują, że pozorna służebna funkcja narzędzi prawnych wobec polityki jest w rzeczywistości złożoną współzależnością wynikającą z konstytucyjnych fundamentów prowadzenie polityki historycznej przez państwo.
EN
The paper analyzes relations between the law and the system of politics of memory in Poland, integrating legal and political research. The main objective is a discussion of co-dependencies between the law – including the constitutional law – and the government’s involvement in the politics of memory. The paper summarizes the legal status, the remembrance system’s formal framework and political decisions executing the constitutional obligation of commemorating the past. Considering the complexity of the remembrance policy system in Poland, its foundation in the legal system, and the dynamics of policymaking, the Authors present that the seeming servitude of law to politics is an apparent complex interdependence based on the constitutional bases of memory politics.
EN
The paper presents findings of the comparative study on relationships between remembrance story-telling and the transitional reconstruction of political identities. It identifies in which areas and fields of impact governments tend to use interpretations of the past to promote new leadership visions of society. Moreover, it verifies theoretical hypotheses related to the politicised remembrance and its role as a political asset during transformations, as well as it considers the theoretical framework of democracy-building (and a common prediction of its universal character). As a result, the study offers a detailed picture of the way remembrance narratives are transformed into explanations, justifications or legitimisation of new, post-authoritarian identities based on qualitative-to-quantitative analysis of the intensity of story-telling and its links with transitional identity politics. In the conclusion, the Authors present their consideration of research findings, and they discuss it with reference to the nature of transitional government’s remembrance policy as a sphere of social influence.
EN
Polish authorities have placed so much importance on remembrance policy since the end of 2015 that it has led to the hypertrophy of the phenomenon. From the 1990s, Poland has been at the forefront of shaping the infrastructure of this form of politics in Europe. Admittedly, even before 2015, national remembrance policy referred mainly to martyrologic and heroic experiences from the period 1939-1956, but it was the victory of Law and Justice in the elections in 2015 and the creation of a oneparty government that resulted in the repeated official declarations of the necessity to defend national “dignity”. This has been accompanied by wiping from national memory past crimes committed by Poles, particularly against Jews.
EN
The history of the Nazi camp in Bogusze was initially documented during the Polish People’s Republic period, a time marked by limited research opportunities and constraints put on memory policy. The camp’s history was altered through the process of remembrance formation instituted by the Polish Society of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy. In the 1960s, a legend emerged surrounding the alleged execution of Italian prisoners of war held at the camp in Bogusze, and a guerrilla ambush of SS soldiers near the town of Ełk. This narrative first appeared in the verification documents of Władysław Świacki and Czesław Nalborski in 1964, gaining prominence through the literary work of Aleksander Omiljanowicz, published in 1965. This legend found its way into numerous scholarly publications, resulting in a distorted representation of the camp’s history. The absence of comprehensive source research perpetuated false narratives concerning the period of the camp’s existence, its names, size, and the identity and number of its victims. To address this, the author of this article conducted archival and source research to verify various episodes in the camp’s history. The camp in Bogusze existed from 1941 to 1944 and experienced a series of name and purpose changes. From June 1941 to June 1942, it was known as Oflag 56 and hosted Soviet POWs; from July 1942 to November 1942, it was still used to detain Soviet POWs under the name Stalag I E; and from 2 November 1942 to 3 January 1943, Polish Jews were held in the camp, which was then referred to as Sammellager. From January 1943 to May 1944, the camp in Bogusze was again used to detain Soviet POWs, this time under the name Stalag I F/Z Prostken. Additionally, the camp, referred to as Stalag I B/PR, was used to hold interned Italians between September 1943 and May 1944. In January and February 1944, Volksdeutsche evacuated from Ukraine were hosted in Lager Bogusche, and Polish residents of frontline villages and towns were held at Stalag 373 from May to December 1944. At its peak, the camp encompassed an area of 30 hectares. Post-war investigations suggest that approximately 25,000 individuals may be buried in the camp’s cemetery and execution site.
RU
Российская «историческая политика» - это попытка инструментальной трактовки истории с целью формирования нового образа русского патриотизма после распада СССР. Его иниции-ровал Горбачев, новое содержание ему придал Ельцин, а особую форму использовал Путин. Последний из них использовал историю для текущей политики. Впрочем, к исторической правде это имеет мало отношения, но это не главное в его «исторической политике». Однако имеет значение возможность размещения её в ведущейся «информационной войне», а это, в свою очередь, направлено на наращивание имперских позиций современной России, в том числе с применением вооруженных сил. Понимаемая таким образом «историческая политика» служила формированию сильного русского национализма.
EN
The Russian “remembrance policy” is an approach to instrumental treating history for creating new image of Russian patriotism after the collapse of the USSR. It has been initiated by Gorbachev, supplemented by Yeltsin, and specified by Putin. The latter has used history for actual politics. It has little to do with the historical truth but that is not important in his “remembrance policy”. Significant is a possibility of placing its elements the “information warfare” that aims to enhance the imperial position of contemporary Russia, also by using military force. A “remembrance policy” understood in this way has served for building strong Russian nationalism.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.