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This paper argues for a semantic account of ungrammatical extractions from ob(‘whether’)-complement clauses in German. Relying on Partition Semantics for a se-mantic characterisation of wh-questions (cf. e.g. Groenendijk and Stokhof 1984) and the concept of index dependency of propositions denoted by [+wh]-complement clauses (cf. Groenendijk and Stokhof 1982), it is argued that the ungrammatical extraction constructions are “defective” on logico-semantic grounds as they can get an interpretation under which no alternative answer opened up by the question can be excluded. By relying on e.g. Fox and Hackl’s (2006) assumptions on contextual blindness (the term being used by Magri 2009), the semantic violation is treated as a constraint that can only be circumvented by evoking contextually invariable means. It is argued that the latter aspect can manifest itself in the occurrence of resumptive pronouns in the extraction domain.
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This paper is meant to delineate the syntax of wh-movement in Standard Arabic within the Optimality Theory framework. The scope of this study is limited to examine only simple, relativized and indirect verbal information questions. Further restrictions also have been placed on tense and negation in that only past tense affirmative questions are tackled here.Results show that Standard Arabic strictly adheres to the OP SPEC constraint in the matrix as well as the subordinate clauses. Findings also show that Prep-Strand violation is intolerable in all types of information questions. Furthermore, the phonological manifestation of the complementizer is obligatory when the relative clause head is present or when the relative clause head is deleted and a resumptive pronoun is left behind.
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