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Niemcy 30 lat po zjednoczeniu

100%
Jackowska N.
Przegląd Zachodni
|
2020
|
issue 2 (375)
5
PL
30. rocznica zjednoczenia Niemiec pozwala z dystansu ocenić skutki polityczne, społeczne i międzynarodowe procesów, które zachodziły w tym czasie w RFN.
2
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Europa Środkowa w geopolityce zjednoczonych Niemiec. Wybrane aspekty

80%
Kozerski M.
Wschodnioznawstwo
|
2017
|
issue 11
109-122
EN
The unification resulted in a fundamental change in the geopolitical position of Germany. The Federal Republic has become the largest country in the EU in terms of population (82,8 million in 2017) and due to its total land area (over 357 thousand km²) it ranks number 14 in the list of countries by area. After the unification, the number of countries neighbouring Germany has increased (9), which makes Germany more focused on the development of bilateral relations in its immediate neighbourhood. Germany has become the main beneficiary of the conflict settlement between the East and West, since it is not exposed to the nuclear attack by the hostile power and its allies (the USSR, the Eastern block) yet. To its own benefit, the FRG has lost the status of a border state, as its border does not separate NATO from the Warsaw Pact. It does not separate the EEC from the COMECON either. Germany ceased to be a „training ground” of the cold war. After the Eastern enlargement in 2004 the country ceased to be the border state of the European Union. Furthermore, Germany was able to get unified and to become a sovereign state equal to other European countries in terms of its status. The FRG is not perceived as a revisionist state that denies post-war borders. Post-unification Germany is considered to be a predictable and credible state. Moreover, the country is an active member of alliances and international organizations. After the reunification, the Federal Republic had to redefine its position and role internationally. It has defined itself as a state in the centre of the continent and a bridge between the European East and West. Since 1990 Central Europe, most often identified with the post-communist states situated between Germany and Russia, has become an important point of reference for Germany and direction of pursuing its influence. After the unification Germany declared this region to be the zone of its influence and vital interests. The main goal of Bonn was to make the region stable by supporting the system transformation process and admitting the Visegrad Group member states to NATO and the European Union in the long term. There was a fear that if Germany’s eastern neighbours were not given a real prospect of membership in the Western integration structures they could become a seedbed of unrest and destabilisation. It was assumed that such threats could make an impact on Germany and adversely affect its internal situation. The main motive of the FRG in assuming the role of an advocate of the Central-European states on their way to accession to western alliances was to ensure stabilisation close to its (German) borders. By taking system transformation and accession to the EU and NATO under its patronage, Germany acquired a dominant position in the central part of Europe and thus made countries of the region dependent on it (mostly economically). A number of facts, including immigration crisis and its consequences, opposition of the Visegrad Group countries to the enforced relocation of refugees, the rise of Eurosceptic and anti-German sentiment in these countries, have resulted in a considerable tension in relations between Germany and the Visegrad Group states. Such state of affairs makes the Federal Republic of Germany gradually „turn its back” on the „renegade” Central Europe. A country of the European centre, whose interests were to be east-oriented after the unification, has been heading westward recently. Germany’s approval of the „multi-speed” concept in the EU as well as its endorsement for closer integration based on the euro zone seem to prove that statement.
3
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Was bleibt? Zum Fortleben der DDR-Literatur in der Forschung

61%
Kałążny J.
Studia Germanica Posnaniensia
|
2016
|
issue 37
135-148
EN
The title of the story What Remains by Christa Wolf denotes one of the main topics of the present discussion about German literature after 1989. The article presents the new questions (e.g. one or two German literature(s)? What does ‘GDR literature‘ mean? Is it a ‘special case’?) and changing conditions of the study of East German literature. A few new historical works discussing German literature since 1945, mainly since the reunification, and a few theoretical approaches (e.g. GDR literature as a chronotope and as regional literature) are presented.
4
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Usługa, opieka, wypalenie – praktykowanie rodzicielstwa zastępczego w Polsce. Ujęcie autoetnograficzne

51%
Krawczak A.
Dziecko krzywdzone. Teoria, badania, praktyka
|
2020
|
vol. 19
|
issue 3
144-179
PL
W artykule przedstawiono pogłębiony opis doświadczenia sprawowania funkcji rodzica zastępczego w Polsce w nurcie autoetnografii ewokatywnej. Strukturę tekstu oparto na socjologicznej osi dynamiki sprawowania opieki zastępczej składającej się z dwóch głównych faz – protoopieki i opieki (wejścia w rolę, zakorzenienia w roli i wyjścia z roli). Na tę oś nałożono osobiste doświadczenie bycia rodzicem zastępczym, w ramach którego przeanalizowano zjawisko wypalenia zawodowego, ale także podjęto krytyczną polemikę z postrzeganiem rodzicielstwa zastępczego jako usługi społecznej o charakterze temporalnym.
EN
The article provides in-depth description of the experience of performing the function of a foster carer in Poland. I used the methodological frame of evocative autoethnography. The structure of the text was based on the sociological axis of dynamics of foster care consisting of two main phases: proto-care and care (entering into a role, rooted in a role and exit from a role). This axis is overlaid with the experienceof being a foster carer. I analyze the phenomenon of burnout, but also undertake a critical polemic with the perception of foster parenting as a short-term service.
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