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Polska prasa prawicowa wobec interwencji Włoch i III Rzeszy w Hiszpanii 1936–1939

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Opioła W.

Studia nad Faszyzmem i Zbrodniami Hitlerowskimi

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2010

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vol. 32

351-373

PL

The civil war in Spain which lasted from 1936 to 1939 soon transformed itself from a purely domestic conflict into a war involving – on both sides – over a dozen countries, including a lot of significant powers. Mussolini’s Fascist regime and Nazi Third Reich supported right-wing side of the conflict. Spanish war was widely commented in Polish right-wing press, both in Church papers which were connected with National Democracy and in those associated with less significant circles. The press of National Unity Camp after 1936 with respect to its views on Spanish civil war can also be placed in the same journalistic category. Publicists also remarked on the Fascist powers’ help for General Franco troops. Some of them were silent on this subject or belittled its importance by lessening the impact of Fascist aid while at the same time attacking Soviet Union for providing help for Republican side. Nevertheless the right-wing discourse was dominated by favorable opinions on this issue the emotional stance of which ranged from enthusiasm, through pragmatism, to critical acceptance (as a choice of lesser evil). Polish political Right before World War II had a lot in common with Fascist and National Socialist ideology: it was branded with a stigma of Anti-Semitism which was quite strongly and fervently promulgated both by politicians and by the Church. Distinguishable echoes of militarism or imperialism and firm attachment to Catholic values were also present in the consciousness of journalists and society. These facts provide – at least to some degree – an explanation as to why Polish Right generally exhibited enthusiasm and approval for Spanish national rebels. A reception of Carlism also appears important in this context – this branch of political thought was notably popular among Polish Nationalist, Monarchist and Catholic circles in the first half of the twentieth century. For Polish Right Spanish civil war serving as a useful and helpful instrument of Anti-Communist propaganda which was carried on a very large scale. Fascism was often treated as a painful vaccination against Communist plague.

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‘US’ AND ‘THEM’ IN THE LANGUAGE OF CONSERVATIVE ISLAMOPHOBIA. REFERENTIAL AND PREDICATIONAL STRATEGIES IN POLISH RIGHT-WING PRESS DISCOURSE ON THE MIGRATION CRISIS IN 2015

51%

Konopka A.

Studia Humanistyczne AGH

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2019

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vol. 18

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issue 1

33-51

PL

Islamofobia (na podstawie książki Vincenta Geissera Nowa islamofobia) może być defi niowana jako forma kulturowego rasizmu, kładąca nacisk na religię (islam) jako czynnik rozróżniający pomiędzy „nami” i „nimi”, ADAM KONOPKA oraz oparta na fantazmacie islamu i muzułmanów. Zjawisko islamofobii w Polsce nasiliło się radykalnie u szczytu kryzysu migracyjnego w drugiej połowie 2015 roku, wraz z licznymi artykułami i felietonami, które stanowiły podłoże tego typu uprzedzeń. Prasa prawicowa dała przestrzeń autorom wyrażającym dyskryminujące opinie o (głównie muzułmańskich) uchodźcach i imigrantach z Bliskiego Wschodu i Afryki Północnej. Z użyciem podejścia dyskursywno-historycznego (Wodak and Reisigl), autor dokonał analizy strategii referencyjnych i predykatywnych używanych do nazywania i określania aktorów społecznych, poszukując linii podziału między kategoriami „my” i „oni” w prawicowym dyskursie prasowym na temat kryzysu migracyjnego. Analiza sugeruje, że prawicowi publicyści rozróżniają dwie podkategorie dla kategorii „oni”: (a) uchodźców i imigrantów (zazwyczaj muzułmańskich) oraz (b) liberalne elity polityczne i medialne. Badane teksty mogą być zatem przykładem opisanej szerzej przez Monikę Bobako „konserwatywnej islamofobii”, w ramach której chrześcijańska tożsamość Europy ma stanowić bazę dla uprzedzeń przeciwko muzułmanom i liberalnym zwolennikom multikulturalizmu.

EN

As Vincent Geisser noted in his book, La Nouvelle Islamophobie, islamophobia can be defi ned as a form of cultural racism which puts emphasis especially on religion (Islam) as the agent of distinction between ‘Us’ and ‘Them’, based usually on a phantasmatic idea of Islam and Muslims. The islamophobic phenomenon increased radically in Poland during the peak of the migration crisis in the second half of 2015, following numerous press articles and columns which provide a background for such prejudice. The right-wing press titles provided space for authors voicing iscriminative opinions about (mostly Muslim) refugees and immigrants from theMiddle East and Northern Africa. Using a Discourse-Historical Approach (Wodak, Reisigl), the author analysed which predicational and referential strategies are used to designate social actors and where the line of distinction is drawn between the categories of ‘Us’ and ‘Them’ in right-wing press discourse on the migration crisis. The analysis suggests that right-wing publicists distinguish two diff erent subcategories of ‘Them’: a) refugees and immigrants (usually Muslim) and b) the liberal political and media elites. Therefore, the analysed texts could be perceived as examples of ‘conservative islamophobia’, as defi ned by Monika Bobako, in which European Christian identity is the basis for prejudice against Muslims and liberal advocates of multi-culturalism.

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Gazeta Polska between an opinion-forming weekly and a tabloid

51%

Dobrzycki J.

Rocznik Historii Prasy Polskiej

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2022

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issue 2

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Polska prasa prawicowa wobec interwencji Włoch i III Rzeszy w Hiszpanii 1936–1939

‘US’ AND ‘THEM’ IN THE LANGUAGE OF CONSERVATIVE ISLAMOPHOBIA. REFERENTIAL AND PREDICATIONAL STRATEGIES IN POLISH RIGHT-WING PRESS DISCOURSE ON THE MIGRATION CRISIS IN 2015

Gazeta Polska between an opinion-forming weekly and a tabloid