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1

The Good, The Bad and The Ugly. Three Cases in the House of Ptolemy

100%
Grabowski T.
Classica Cracoviensia
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2012
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issue 15: Leadership in Antiquity: Langauge - Institutions - Representations
81-107
EN
The article focuses on the image of the three rulers of the Lagid Dynasty: Ptolemy IV, Ptolemy VI and Ptolemy VIII, which was included in the sources, The Histories by Polybius in particular the ancient tradition is especially hostile towards Ptolemy IV and Ptolemy VIII, who are presented as the rulers neglecting state matters, concentrated on their own pleasures and, particularly in the case of Ptolemy VIII, cruel. Polybius’ most serious charge leveled against Ptolemy IV concerns his idleness as well as leading an inept foreign policy. In the light of the assessment of Ptolemy IV’s reign, Polybius’ opinion is not completely justified. On can judge that Ptolemy IV’s lifestyle decidedly influenced the opinion concerning his reign. It cannot be ruled out, however, that what we have to deal with in this case is the Ptolemies’ and the antique authors’ different understanding of the concept of tryphé (trufἠ). Affluence as a means of the possibilities of acting and the manifestation of splendour of the monarchy’s power was the idea that formed the basis of the concept of tryphé in the Ptolemies’ propaganda and ideology. Tryphé was the sign of the dynasty’s power, prosperity and constituted a complement of one of the most important elements of the Hellenistic kings’ propaganda, that is euergetism. The concept of tryphé was, nevertheless, ambiguous. In the light of the antique accounts, the understanding of the above concept was dominated by the pejorative aspects, such as a passion for luxury and a riotous lifestyle, which led to debauchery and effeminacy. At least a part of the opinions included in the antique sources can be explained just by the differences in the perception of the concept of tryphé on the part of the Ptolemies and Greek intellectuals. It does not concern only Ptolemy IV and Ptolemy VIII, but also Ptolemy VI, who was very positively presented in the antique tradition. Despite all his real liking for him, Polybius points out his tendency to live life to the full in an excessive manner. Tryphé constituted, however, a significant element of the Lagids’ ideology and it is difficult to suppose that the members of the dynasty consistently used the means which fell on barren ground. Even if the Ptolemies could not reach the intellectual elites in this way, the manifestation of tryphé brought results in the case of the other recipients, such as the ordinary subjects who were supposed to admire the splendour and affluence of the dynasty. When it comes to the representatives of culture and science, the Ptolemies successfully managed to get through to them in different ways, for instance by the acts of euergetism or by providing patronage for culture and science. Nonetheless, tryphé in a considerable way influenced the way in which the Ptolemies were perceived by ancient authors.
2
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A skald in royal service – the case Þórarinn loftunga. Part 2: Poetics and ideology of Tøgdrápa

75%
Morawiec J.
Studia Maritima
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2021
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vol. 34
33-59
EN
The present study is focused on Tøgdrápa (Journey drápa), a poem Þórarinn devoted to Knútr’s expedition to Norway in 1028. A distinguished feature of Tøgdrápa is its metre – tøglag (journey metre). It differs from dróttkvætt by having four syllables (instead of six) in each line. Presumably, referring to the title of the poem, the metre was to be used in ac- counts on war expeditions, optionally other travels of the king. Tøglag seems to be especially bound to Knútr’s court. Close metrical analysis of the poem as well as comparison with Sigvatr Þórðarson’s Knútsdrápa suggests that, contrary to previous assumptions, it is very likely that neither of the poets was an inventor of tøglag. Rather both, as talented and already distinguished skalds, did not hesitate to take another artistic challenge, most likely put up by somebody else. It seems reasonable to assume that such a challenge was born at Knútr’s court, probably as a side effect of the king’s success in Norway in 1028.
PL
Artykuł poświęcony jest Tøgdrápie (Wiersz o wyprawie), utworowi skomponowanemu przez Þórarina, w którym opisuje wyprawę Knuta Wielkiego do Norwegii w 1028 roku. Wiersz wyróżnia zastosowane przez skalda metrum – tøglag (metrum podróżne). Od dróttkvætt różni go występowanie czterech (zamiast sześciu) sylab w każdej linii zwrotki. Prawdopo- dobnie, odnosząc się do tytułu wiersza, metrum to było stosowane w kompozycjach po- święconych wyprawom wojennym, ewentualnie innym podróżom podejmowanym przez władcę. Użytkowanie tøglag wydaje się być szczególnie związane z dworem Knuta Wielkie- go w Anglii. Dokładna analiza metryczna poematu Þórarina, jak również porównanie go z Knútsdrápą Sigvata Þórðarsona, wskazują na to, że, wbrew wcześniejszym sądom, żaden z dwójki poetów nie powinien być uważany za twórcę tego metrum. Raczej, obaj skaldowie, już jako wzięci i utalentowani twórcy, bez obaw podjęli poetyckie wyzwanie, które najpew- niej podsunął im ktoś inny. Wydaje się słusznym założenie, że pomysł ten zrodził się na dworze Knuta Wielkiego, najpewniej jako skutek sukcesu jaki król Anglii i Danii odniósł w Norwegii w 1028 roku.
3
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A skald in royal service – the case Þórarinn loftunga. Part 1: Ideological contexts of Hofuðlausn

75%
Morawiec J.
Studia Maritima
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2020
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vol. 33
33-52
EN
The first half of the 11th century was marked by serious challenges for the skaldic art. An advent of Christianity in the North in general and the baptism of numerous rulers in par- ticular, made skalds make efforts to implement symbolism of the new faith into their art. This trend is clearly reflected in the poetry of Þórarinn loftunga, an Icelandic poet, who is known for his compositions for Knútr inn ríki, the king of England, Denmark and Norway. The article investigates preserved lines of one of Þórarinn’s poems, Hǫfuðlausn (Head-ran- som). Special attention is paid to its sophisticated stylistic features, namely references to Byzantium (Gríklands) and the Heavenly Kingdom (himinríki) and a kenning “defender of Byzantium” (gætir Gríklands). The article argues that the presence of these features, juvenile in the skaldic art, in Þórarinn’s poem, was an effect of skald’s both ability and willingness to adopt certain elements of Christian doctrine and royal ideology present at Knútr’s English court as a response to particular expectations of the king towards his skalds and their poetry.
PL
W pierwszej połowie XI wieku poezja skaldów musiała zmierzyć się z poważnymi wyzwa- niami. Coraz większe wpływy chrześcijaństwa na Północy, znaczone chrztem kolejnych skandynawskich władców, postawiły poetów przed koniecznością zaimplementowania w swojej sztuce symboliki związanej z nową wiarą. Proces ten znajduje swoje odbicie między innymi w poezji Þórarina loftunga (Pochwalny Język), islandzkiego skalda działającego na dworze Knuta Wielkiego, króla Anglii, Danii i Norwegii. Artykuł poświęcony jest zachowa- nym fragmentom jednego z wierszy Þórarina, zatytułowanego Hǫfuðlausn (Okup za głowę). Szczególna uwaga poświęcona jest stylistycznym elementom utworu takim jak nawiązania do Bizancjum (Gríklands) i Królestwa Niebieskiego (himinríki) oraz kenningowi „obrońca Bizancjum” (gætir Gríklands). Celem artykułu jest wykazanie, że elementy te były efektem gotowości ze strony poety zaadoptowania w swojej sztuce określonych aspektów doktryny chrześcijańskiej i ideologii królewskiej obecnych na angielskim dworze Knuta. Gotowość ta była odpowiedzią poety na oczekiwania ze strony króla adresowane do skaldów działających w jego otoczeniu.
4
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The Legacy of Senwosret I during the Reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III

75%
Iwaszczuk J.
Études et Travaux (Institut des Cultures Méditerranéennes et Orientales de l’Académie Polonaise des Sciences)
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2014
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issue 27
161–178
EN
The article deals with the position of Senwosret I in the royal ideology of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III. Innovations introduced by this king to the architecture, as well as new motifs of decoration that appeared for the first time during the reign of Senwosret I, were not copied by other rulers for a long time. The Thutmoside co-regents were the first to reproduce or to exploit them purposely in their own constructions. The particular role of Senwosret I was also attested in the cult of this royal ancestor performed during the reign of Hatshepsut and Thutmose III, both on the official and private level. The study shows that Hatshepsut and Thutmose III emphasised those elements of Senwosret I activity which had a direct connection with the concept of kingship and its renewal, and referred to the time of renewal of the sacred landscape of Egypt and the regeneration of the sacred kingship, namely the whm mswt era – initiated by Amenemhat I, but continued and completed by Senwosret I.
5

Tummali ajalugu. Moningaid markusi muistsete Sumeri kuningate ja nende kuningavoimu ideoloogia kohta

63%
Sazonov V.
Mäetagused
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2013
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vol. 54
169-184
EN
The current short but very important Sumerian literary text, which was written in the Sumerian language at the end of the reign of Ur III (2112–2004 BCE) or at the beginning of the Isin-Larsa epoch (ca 21st or 20th century BCE), consists of only 33 lines. The temple of Tummal is dedicated to the goddess Ninlil, spouse of the god Enlil, who was the main god of Mesopotamia, the protector of kingship, and the king of all deities. Tummal was a very significant sanctuary for Sumerians and played an important role not only in religion, but also in royal ideology. The texts of Tummal Inscription known as “The History of Tummal” mention the rulers of Sumer, who had done building and renovating works in this temple complex. Yet, the kings-builders are not listed chronologically and these texts are quite tendentious and propagandistic, as some important kings are not even mentioned because of ideological reasons; for example, Akkadian kings (2334–2154 BCE) or rulers of Lagash. The reason why Akkadian kings were not mentioned as builders in Tummal, might probably be that some Akkadian kings like Naram-Su´en became prototypes of evil and cursed kings. They were believed to rebel against divine norms and rules and were later cursed and punished by all the great gods of Sumer and Akkad. The kings of Lagash were not mentioned for a different reason: Gudea, who belonged to the 2nd dynasty of Lagash, had probably very good relations with Gutian tribes, who destroyed the Akkadian Empire in ca 2200–2154 BCE, conquered Akkad and Sumer and controlled these territories for 60–70 years. Sumerians and Akkadians hated Gutians and after Sumer and Akkad became free from the Gutian invaders, kings of the 3rd dynasty of Ur decided that for political and ideological reasons the kings of Lagash would not be mentioned at all.
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