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1
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Wokół tradycjonalistycznej utopii – nawiązania do studium Andrzeja Walickiego

100%
Jedliński M.
Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria
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2021
|
issue 2
PL
Artykuł powstał z inspiracji rozprawą Andrzeja Walickiego W kręgu konserwatywnej utopii. Struktura i przemiany rosyjskiego słowianofilstwa (1964). Polski historyk idei poddawał opisywane przez siebie światopoglądy wnikliwej analizie, wskazując na podobieństwa ideowe różnych myślicieli. Niniejszy tekst przedstawia koncepcje rosyjskiego neosłowianofilstwa i zachodniego tradycjonalizmu (J. Evola, R. Guénon, P. Sorokin). Autor artykułu opisuje założenia konserwatyzmu i utopii tradycjonalistycznej, które charakteryzuje walka z racjonalizmem, indywidualizmem, liberalizmem i kapitalizmem.
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Reflections of the Anti-Occidentalism Idea in Serbian Cultural Texts of the 20th Century

100%
Gil D.
Slavia Meridionalis
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2022
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vol. 22
PL
Artykuł wskazuje na najbardziej reprezentatywne teksty kultury oraz opinie intelektualistów serbskich XX wieku, które ukształtowały (częściowo na wcześniejszych podstawach) nurt antyokcydentalny. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono okresowi międzywojennemu i opiniom utrwalającym antytezę Serbia – (Slavia) – Europa, a wyrastającym głównie ze zaktualizowanej wówczas rosyjskiej myśli słowianofilskiej. Jej podstawowy (w wersji mesjanistyczno-misjonistycznej) topos Europy – „zgniłego Zachodu” został w tym stadium rozwojowym skompilowany z konceptami serbskich organicystów. Wyraziste antyeuropejskie i szerzej antyokcydentalne refleksy znaleźć można w wielu ówczesnych próbach redefinicji tradycji rodzimej, ale także w nowszych, aktualizujących je opiniach reprezentantów serbskiego świata intelektualnego z końca lat 90. XX wieku. W wielu z omawianych ujęć tradycja ta postrzegana jest jako „nieeuropejska” bądź stanowiąca syntezę wątków kulturowych Wschodu i Zachodu, czy też emanację idei wszechsłowiańskiej.
EN
The article presents the most representative texts of culture and opinions of Serbian intellectuals of the 20th century, which formed the trend of anti-Occidentalism (partly based on earlier foundations). It focuses on the mid-war period and the opinions that strengthen the antithesis Serbia – (Slavia) – Europe, rooted mostly in a modernized (at the time) version of the Russian Slavophile thought. It juxtaposes a basic topos of Europe (in the messianic and missionary version) as “the rotten West” with the concepts of Serbian organicists. Clear anti-European and anti-Western reflections can be found in many contemporary attempts to redefine the native tradition and also in more modern, updated opinions of Serbian intellectuals active at the end of the 1990s. In many opinions under discussion this tradition is seen as “un-European”, as being a synthesis of cultural motifs of the East and the West or as the emanation of the Pan-Slavonic idea.
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Norwidowski wariant tematu słowiańskiego na romantycznym tle

80%
Halkiewicz-Sojak G.
Studia Norwidiana
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2013
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vol. 31
17-39
EN
The Slavonic theme was one of the important motifs in the reflection present in the Polish literature of the 19th century. It appeared in literary works, in journalism, and in literary criticism – taken up in several contexts: historiosophical, esthetic and political ones. Questions and controversies connected with it were formulated as early as the beginning of Romanticism in Kazimierz Brodziński’s and Zorian Dołęga Chodakowski’s treatises, and the Paris lectures on Slavic literature delivered by Adam Mickiewicz (1840-1844) were the most complete development of the subject. The motif can be found in works of every Polish writer belonging to the Romantic epoch. The present article both outlines the whole panorama and points to particular aspects of the Polish thought about Slavism and attempts to give an answer to the question about what position Norwid’s reflection has against this background, as in his works Slavic motifs with different intensity are present from the end of the 1840s to the last years of his life (the poem The Slav written in 1882). It points to both similarities to Brodziski’s, Mickiewicz’s, and Krasiński’s thought, and to an original character of Norwid’s reflection resulting first of all from the ever present in Norwid’s works tendency to confront Slavism with the Christian universalism. The values from the perspective of which Norwid takes up the subject are: freedom and hope understood not only in the political meaning, but also in the existential and religious sense. Such a view allowed the poet to avoid Slavophil tones and to maintain distrust of Pan-Slavism as a political doctrine. Analyses of Norwid’s works listed in the chronological order reveal the evolution of the poet’s ideological position: from hopes of a philosopher of history to doubts of an ironist. They also emphasized a multitude of aspects of this subject that are connected with the variety of ways to talk about it. Slavic motifs appear in dramatic mysteries (Wanda, Krakus) and in poems (e.g. The Song of Our Land, Chopin’s Piano, The Slav), in poetic treatises (Bondage, About Freedom of Speech), in discussions and letters.
4
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Norwidowski wariant tematu słowiańskiego na romantycznym tle

80%
Halkiewicz-Sojak G.
Studia Norwidiana
|
2013
|
vol. 31
17-39
EN
The Slavonic theme was one of the important motifs in the reflection present in the Polish literature of the 19th century. It appeared in literary works, in journalism, and in literary criticism – taken up in several contexts: historiosophical, esthetic and political ones. Questions and controversies connected with it were formulated as early as the beginning of Romanticism in Kazimierz Brodziński’s and Zorian Dołęga Chodakowski’s treatises, and the Paris lectures on Slavic literature delivered by Adam Mickiewicz (1840-1844) were the most complete development of the subject. The motif can be found in works of every Polish writer belonging to the Romantic epoch. The present article both outlines the whole panorama and points to particular aspects of the Polish thought about Slavism and attempts to give an answer to the question about what position Norwid’s reflection has against this background, as in his works Slavic motifs with different intensity are present from the end of the 1840s to the last years of his life (the poem The Slav written in 1882). It points to both similarities to Brodziński’s, Mickiewicz’s, and Krasiński’s thought, and to an original character of Norwid’s reflection resulting first of all from the ever present in Norwid’s works tendency to confront Slavism with the Christian universalism. The values from the perspective of which Norwid takes up the subject are: freedom and hope understood not only in the political meaning, but also in the existential and religious sense. Such a view allowed the poet to avoid Slavophil tones and to maintain distrust of Pan-Slavism as a political doctrine. Analyses of Norwid’s works listed in the chronological order reveal the evolution of the poet’s ideological position: from hopes of a philosopher of history to doubts of an ironist. They also emphasized a multitude of aspects of this subject that are connected with the variety of ways to talk about it. Slavic motifs appear in dramatic mysteries (Wanda, Krakus) and in poems (e.g. The Song of Our Land, Chopin’s Piano, The Slav), in poetic treatises (Bondage, About Freedom of Speech), in discussions and letters.
5
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„Człowiek totalny” versus „człowiek integralny”. Przyczynek do Karola Marksa i Iwana Kkiriejewskiego rozważań o człowieku

80%
Kroczak J.
Internetowy Magazyn Filozoficzny Hybris
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2018
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vol. 40
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issue 1
39-56
EN
The aim of this paper is to compare views on human nature as held by Karl Marx and Ivan Kireevsky. Despite the fact that Marx and Kireevsky expounded two totally different philosophical world views (such as slavophilia and dialectical materialism), both can be described as socialists: one scientific, the other utopian or religious one. In this regard, it turns out that some elements of their concepts of a human being are rather common. Both of them thought that man achieves his “completeness” or “integrality” in community, not by exclusively private efforts. Kireevsky envisioned his community as an Orthodox commune, while Marx his as a classless society. Analysis shows that both anthropological concepts were more reflecting of their utopian visions than any working social model.
6
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Generał broni Lucjan Żeligowski (1865-1947) : Przyczynek do biografii

80%
Wojtaszak A.
Polish Biographical Studies
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2019
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issue 7
67-93
EN
General Lucjan Żeligowski came from a Polish noble family, the coat of arms “Bończa”. His ancestors fought against the Swedes in the sixteenth century and his father participated in the January Uprising in 1863. He is one of the most controversial figures in the corps of generals of the Second Polish Republic. He fought in the Russian-Japanese War (1904–1905). During the Great War, after the consent of the Russian authorities to create Polish military formations, he was a co-organizer of the Polish Riflemen Brigade, he fought in the ranks of the Polish Rifle Division and the Polish First Corps. In the final period of the war he co-organized the 4th Polish Rifle Division, with which he reached Poland via Odessa and Bessarabia. He fought with the armies of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic and in the Polish-Soviet War – the Northern Front (10 DP) and in the fighting at Radzymin (during the Battle of Warsaw). After the war, the 1. Lithuanian-Belorussian Infantry Division took Vilnius and led to the creation the Republic of Central Lithuania. „Żeligowski’s Mutiny” resulted in joining this area to Poland. In the Polish Army he was the commander of the Army Inspectorate No. 2 in Warsaw and the Minister of Military Affairs. After Piłsudski’s coup d’état (the May coup), he stood at the head of the Liquidation Commission set up to clarify the circumstances and course of May events in 1926. He was also an Inspector of the Army in the General Inspectorate of the Armed Forces. On August 31, 1927, he retired. In 1928 he became the president of the Chapter of the Order of Polonia Restituta and a member of the State Tribunal. In 1935 he was elected a member of the Parlament (Sejm) of the 4th term from the list of the Non-Partisan Block of Cooperation with the Government – he chaired the Parlament Military Commission, and then the Parlament (Sejm) of the 5th term from the non-party list. During World War II, he was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland, chairman of its Military Committee and Chancellor of the Order of Virtuti Militari. A supporter of Slavophile in the postwar period, he was in favor of cooperation with the USSR. He died in London in 1947. He rests at the Military Cemetery in Powązki in Warsaw.
PL
Generał Lucjan Żeligowski pochodził z polskiej rodziny szlacheckiej, herbu „Bończa”. Jego przodkowie walczyli ze Szwedami w XVI wieku, a jego ojciec brał udział w powstaniu styczniowym w 1863 roku. Jedna z najbardziej kontrowersyjnych postaci w korpusie generałów II RP. Walczył w wojnie rosyjsko-japońskiej (1904-1905). Podczas Wielkiej Wojny, po zgodzie władz rosyjskich na tworzenie polskich formacji wojskowych, był współorganizatorem Brygady Strzelców Polskich, walczył w szeregach Polskiej Dywizji Strzelców i w Pierwszym Korpusie Polskim W ostatnim okresie wojny współorganizował 4. Dywizję Strzelców Polskich, z którą dotarł do Polski przez Odessę i Besarabię. Walczył z wojskami Zachodnioukraińskiej Republiki Ludowej i w wojnie polsko-radzieckiej - na Froncie Północnym (10 DP) oraz w walkach pod Radzyminem (podczas bitwy warszawskiej). Po wojnie na czele 1. Dywizji Piechoty Litewsko-Białoruskiej zajął Wilno i doprowadził do powstania Republiki Litwy Środkowej. „Bunt Żeligowskiego” zaowocował przyłączeniem tego obszaru do Polski. W Wojsku Polskim był dowódcą Inspektoratu Wojskowego nr 2 w Warszawie i Ministrem Spraw Wojskowych. Po zamachu stanu Piłsudskiego (zamachu majowym) stanął na czele Komisji Likwidacyjnej powołanej w celu wyjaśnienia okoliczności i przebiegu wydarzeń majowych w 1926 r. Był także inspektorem armii w Generalnym Inspektoracie Zbrojnym Siły. 31 sierpnia 1927 r. przeszedł na emeryturę. W 1928 r. został przewodniczącym Kapituły Orderu Odrodzenia Polski i członkiem Trybunału Stanu. W 1935 r. został wybrany posłem na Sejmu IV kadencji z listy Bezpartyjnego Bloku Współpracy z Rządem - przewodniczył Komisji Wojskowej Parlamentu, a następnie był posłem na Sejm V kadencji z listy bezpartyjnej. Podczas II wojny światowej był członkiem Rady Narodowej Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, przewodniczącym Komitetu Wojskowego i kanclerzem Orderu Virtuti Militari. Zwolennik słowianofilstwa. W okresie powojennym opowiadał się za współpracą z ZSRR. Zmarł w Londynie w 1947 r. Spoczywa na Cmentarzu Wojskowym na Powązkach w Warszawie.
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Focusing on traditional utopia: References to the work of Andrzej Walicki

80%
Jedliński M., Jedliński M.
Przegląd Filozoficzny. Nowa Seria
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2021
|
issue 2
8
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Metody finansowania kościoła katolickiego w Rosji w XIX wieku. Przyczynek archiwalny

71%
Radwan M., Wodzianowska I.
Archiwa, Biblioteki i Muzea Kościelne
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2015
|
vol. 103
209-226
EN
The religious policy of the Russian State was inspired by two ideological trends, which were rooted in the tradition of Peter I and Catherine II - Caesaropapism and Slavophilism. Russian rulers sought to subjugate the religious denominations, and also to build a Pan-Slavic empire with the Russian language. With regard to the Catholic Church, those demands proved to be extremely valid as 60% of the lands of the Polish Republic became part of Russia after the partitions. The tsarist authorities tried to separate Catholics from the Holy See and impose gradually the Russian language and culture on them. Secular authorities wanted to gain control over church institutions - dioceses, seminaries, parishes, monasteries. To achieve that aim, the authorities established the Roman-Catholic College (1801), and subordinated it directly to the Ministry of the Interior. Both organizations exercised full control over ecclesiastical institutions. Lay prosecutors in both of those offices played a decisive role. At the command of the tsarist regime all the monastic, diocesan and parish properties were gradually taken over, in return certain salaries (1832.1843) were granted to them. On the other hand, at the initiative of Metropolitan Bishop Siestrzeńcewicz S. (1820) so-called assistance fund was created, the aim of which was to finance the special expenses - poor parishes, seminars, Theological Academy, sick and retired priests, deported bishops. Having the assistance fund at their disposal, both the Ministry of the Interior and the College misappropriated funds, often financing even anti-Church actions or well-known enemies of Polish society (K.E. Sievers). A. Kerensky’s government prepared a draft reform in this field. However, it was not implemented as it was torpedoed by the revolution of 1917.
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