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EN
The judgment I am going to comment on is particularly valuable for practice, especially as regards proving crimes that consist in causing traffic disasters or its immediate danger, and bringing about traffic accidents. This is because it refers to, so-called chain collisions that are more and more frequently encountered on motorways, expressways and in urban traffic. These accidents, also known as pile-ups, involve multiple vehicles. The judgement concerned the issue of a car crash unintentionally caused by the perpetrator who had fallen asleep while driving the vehicle. Particular attention was paid to the issue of the suddenness of the incident, its duration, location, as well as the concept of the unity of the act, which was treated from the legislative point of view, although that caused disputes. Unfortunately, the judgment ignores important evidential issues, such as: reasons for falling asleep and whether they were the driver’s fault: i.e. fatigue, health condition, medications taken, and does not take into account the violation of safety regulations by other participants of the pile-up. Thus, it introduces an element of randomness of the effect, and transfers its consequences to the driver who fell asleep; although it was him who caused the threat but its effects could not have been foreseen by him, and he cannot be burdened with such an obligation.
PL
Glosowany wyrok jest szczególnie cenny dla praktyki, zwłaszcza w zakresie dowodzenia popełnienia przestępstw spowodowania katastrofy w ruchu drogowym, sprowadzenia jej bezpośredniego niebezpieczeństwa, a nawet wypadku drogowego. Dotyczy on bowiem coraz częściej spotykanych na autostradach, drogach ekspresowych i w ruchu miejskim tzw. zderzeń łańcuchowych, określanych również jako karambole, w których brało udział wiele pojazdów. Odniesiono się w nim do problematyki nieumyślnego spowodowania katastrofy, której sprawca zasnął podczas kierowania pojazdem. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono zagadnieniom nagłości zdarzenia, jego czasokresu, umiejscowienia, jak też koncepcji jedności czynu, którą potraktowano z punktu widzenia normatywnego, chociaż jest to kwestia wywołująca spory. Niestety, wyrok pomija istotne aspekty dowodowe związane z przyczynami zaśnięcia i jego zawinieniem, tj. zmęczeniem, stanem zdrowia, zażywanymi lekami, nadto nie podejmuje rozważań związanych z naruszeniem zasad bezpieczeństwa przez innych uczestników karambolu. Tym samym wprowadza element przypadkowości skutku, a jego konsekwencje przerzuca na osobę, która zasnęła, choć to ona wywołała stan niebezpieczeństwa, ale jego skutków nie była w stanie przewidzieć, jak też takiego obowiązku nie można było na nią nałożyć.
EN
In the German Federal Republic the restructuring of the traditional model of universal banking is taking place. The reforms of economic policy in the 1990s established grounds for a long-awaited and needed restructuring. At the moment there is an ongoing wave of privatisation and de-regulation. Tax reforms that have recently been introduced and desintermediation mean that the mutual relations between banks and big enterprises have come to an end. The introduction of Euro in 1999 and its attendant development of shares and bonds have made even the German “mittelstand” (traditional businesses, owned by families) to seek finances in the capital markets. These firms, however, need investment banks as organisers of financial activities. The leading German banks responded to the above trends with the “slimming down” of operations, separating retail and investment banking, and concentrating many banks on the latter. It is an interesting question to examine whether all of the observed changes lead to a uniform global model of how the banks work, or else the difference of banking systems in various countries grows, a fact that may be a response to the global changes in the mechanisms of banks. The paper is based on the qualitative analysis (focused on the qualitative and quantitative indicators) that is designed to verify the above hypothesis. The concept of “bank” denotes in German typically financial institutions entitled to take a broad spectre of activities, including investment banking, insurance services (although performed by means of a branch), broker and dealer activity on the securities market, payment services (which in Germany requires a banking licence). The banking sector in Germany has several distinctive properties. What is most important, as opposed to e.g. the USA, the public sector in Germany, by means of state-owned banks and Land-owned banks, has 40% of shares on the retail banking market. Secondly, the banks in Germany locate (“block”) their capital in industrial holdings. For instance, ten biggest private banks own 0.5% of the capitalisation of firms (with capitalisation over 1 million DM); their shares are available in the public stock market turnover in the Federal German Republic. Business contacts that result from such packages of shares made banks give loans that were safe for them, but this system called relationship banking is subject to changes. Tax reforms which were introduced in January 2002 provided tax exemptions for the seller of such shares, a procedure that was commonly called “the end of Deutschland AG.” The Deutsche Bank e.g. due to the fact that it had to finance enterprises through capital markets announced that it would sell the whole package of Daimler-Chrysler shares. The fact that capital markets take over from banks the financing of enterprises makes the role of investment banking grow in importance, and the German banks tend to gain the leading position in this area.
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