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EN
The April Constitution ended the process of evolution of the political system of prewar Poland. She broke with the principles of liberal democracy and sanctioned the position of the office of the president of Poland as the authoritarian sovereign legally. The sanation Constitution was a Polish reply to the intellectual climate of the thirties. Drawing mainly upon archive materials, the author acquaints the reader with the legal and political subject matter of the April Constitution and with legal argumentation for the reconstruction of the political system of the Second Republic of Poland.
EN
In the paper, the author draws a biographical outline of Janusz Jędrzejewicz (Minister of Religious and Public Education), explicates his theory of education and evaluates the theory’s impact on education in Poland. The author also comments on selected columns in the journal “Polska Zachodnia”. The examined articles deal with the state of Polish education in the 1930s and serve as a critique of Jędrzejewicz’s reform by different political forces.
EN
The author analyses the images of Wojciech Korfanty created from the beginning of his political career until its end. He focuses on the portraits created in works of literature and journalism, confronting them with those created during political campaigns. He distinguishes five images depicting the Silesian politician in a favourable light (defender of the Upper Silesian people in the German Empire; plebiscite commissioner and insurrectionary leader; political leader in the Second Polish Republic; prisoner of the Polish Republic; Christian leader and defender of the Polish Alsatians) and five negative images (detriment to the interests of the Church, workers and the nation; disturber of the social order and fratricide; gravedigger of the uprising; enemy of Józef Piłsudski and his supporters; embezzler and pretend Christian politician). The author concludes that the changing images of Korfanty, including those created after his death, are a result of changing political narratives and cultural trends (apart from poems and novels, cartoon stories, theatre plays and feature films devoted to the Silesian politician were produced).
PL
Autor analizuje wizerunki Wojciecha Korfantego powstałe od początku jego kariery politycznej aż po jej koniec. Koncentruje się na portretach wykreowanych w dziełach literackich oraz publicystycznych, konfrontując je z tymi, które zostały wytworzone w czasie politycznych kampanii. Wyodrębnia pięć wizerunków, przedstawiających śląskiego polityka w korzystnym świetle (obrońca ludu górnośląskiego w II Rzeszy; komisarz plebiscytowy i powstańczy przywódca; lider polityczny w II Rzeczypospolitej; więzień Rzeczypospolitej; chadecki przywódca i obrońca polskich Alzatczyków) oraz pięć wizerunków negatywnych (szkodnik interesów Kościoła, robotników i narodu; mąciciel społecznego ładu i bratobójca; grabarz powstania; wróg Józefa Piłsudskiego i jego zwolenników; malwersant rzekomy chrześcijański demokrata). Autor konkluduje, iż zmieniające się wizerunki Korfantego, także te powstające po jego śmierci, wynikają ze zmieniających się narracji politycznych oraz tendencji kulturowych (obok wierszy i powieści powstały m.in. opowieści rysunkowe, spektakle teatralne oraz filmy fabularne poświęcone śląskiemu politykowi).
EN
This article acquaints the reader with notions of Wacław Makowski, eminent professor of criminal and constitutional law and a sanation activist. The article particularly refers to his criticisms of liberalism and praise of solidarism. The constant crisis of the political life of the Second Polish Republic required an essential reform of political bases. According to Makowski one should break with the bases of the March Constitution, that is liberalism and parliamentary democratism in favour of solidarism, being an indirect form between authoritarian dictatorship and liberal democracy.
EN
The aim of the article is to present the standpoints of the Polish Socialist Party against the May coup d’Etat in 1926. The paper brings close the actual influence of socialists and dependent on trade unions within the preparation and course on the May coup d’Etat 1926. The author analyses the role and influence of the socialist past of Marshal Jozef Pilsudski in obtaining the support of the leftist forces in the decisive moments of the 1926 coup d’Etat. The article contains a comparative analysis of the political postulates of the Polish Socialist Party as well as the actions taken by the leading groupings aimed at carrying out political and system reforms in the Second Polish Republic. It was shown that the concept of Polish socialists, adopted at the beginning of the 1920s, consisting of achieving program objectives through gradual and non-revolutionary socio-political reforms, paradoxically was abandoned in 1926 in favour of solutions characteristic for revolutionary groups.
PL
The subject matter of this article is discussing legal concepts of Ignacy Matuszewski in the interwar period. In the core of the camp of adherents of Piłsudski he was one of the few people interested in the economic issues of the state, what is more he belonged to a small circle of its representatives who themselves formulated original political concepts of the Republic of Poland. Matuszewski’s output as a publicist formed not only the projects of a constitution, but also discussions concerning the shape and functioning of specific constitutional bodies. It was demonstrated that Matuszewski – the proponent of strong power of the head of the state, at the same time was characterised by a pragmatic attitude to system issues. He was against the view that only with the help of adequately enacted law the intended goal could be unfailingly achieved. The article contains the analysis of Matuszewski’s constitutional views from which it could be deduced that he was the advocate of a two-chamber parliament and of effective rule of the Council of Ministers. The study brings closer the achievements of Matuszewski in the sphere of law, which are in our times practically unknown.
PL
The subject matter of this article is discussing legal concepts of Ignacy Matuszewski in the interwar period. In the core of the camp of adherents of Piłsudski he was one of the few people interested in the economic issues of the state, what is more he belonged to a small circle of its representatives who themselves formulated original political concepts of the Republic of Poland. Matuszewski’s output as a publicist formed not only the projects of a constitution, but also discussions concerning the shape and functioning of specific constitutional bodies. It was demonstrated that Matuszewski – the proponent of strong power of the head of the state, at the same time was characterised by a pragmatic attitude to system issues. He was against the view that only with the help of adequately enacted law the intended goal could be unfailingly achieved. The article contains the analysis of Matuszewski’s constitutional views from which it could be deduced that he was the advocate of a two-chamber parliament and of effective rule of the Council of Ministers. The study brings closer the achievements of Matuszewski in the sphere of law, which are in our times practically unknown.
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