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EN
The latest conflict in Ukraine changed the security situation on the European continent significantly and brought into question the adequacy of the present global rule to keep order in the world. The situation in Ukraine showed how key countries could cooperate when protecting human values and democratic standards stated in international agreements. This article presents how the conflict in Ukraine became a threat for the EU’s integrity. It analyses measures implemented by the organization to stop the war in the neighboring country and researches proposals that were rejected during the decision-making procedure. The aim of the work is to examine the ability of the EU to stay cohesive and decisive in the situation of a close external threat. The methods for the research are: qualitative research of secondary data, interviews, scientific analysis and synthesis.
EN
The obligation of residence is the obligation to reside in a specific territory on a permanent basis in connection with holding an ecclesiastical office. The delict of violation of the obligation of residence is penalized under can. 1396 of the 1983 Code of Canon Law and is strictly linked to the entrusted ecclesiastical office such as: cardinals holding specific offices in the Roman Curia, diocesan bishop, coadjutor bishop, auxiliary bishop, diocesan administrator, pastor, parochial administrator and a group of clerics administering the parish in solidum, parochial vicar. Violation of the obligation of residence is subject to a mandatory penalty. The gravest penalty provided for by the ecclesiastical legislator is the privation of ecclesiastical office.
EN
The obligation of residence is the obligation to reside in a specific territory on a permanent basis in connection with holding an ecclesiastical office. The delict of violation of the obligation of residence is penalized under can. 1396 of the 1983 Code of Canon Law and is strictly linked to the entrusted ecclesiastical office such as: cardinals holding specific offices in the Roman Curia, diocesan bishop, coadjutor bishop, auxiliary bishop, diocesan administrator, pastor, parochial administrator and a group of clerics administering the parish in solidum, parochial vicar. Violation of the obligation of residence is subject to a mandatory penalty. The gravest penalty provided for by the ecclesiastical legislator is the privation of ecclesiastical office.
EN
According to the motto “United in diversity”, unity in diversity is a hallmark of the European Union. This allows for national peculiarities which the Union shall respect as national identities of the Member States pursuant to Art. 4 (2) TEU. This, however, requires compliance with Union law and, above all, with the values declared to be common to the Member States in Art. 2 TEU, as the Union is a legal community. The rule of law is an indispensable basis of mutual trust and requires judicial independence from the legislature and the executive as the powers to be controlled by the judiciary. To ensure judicial independence, the preliminary ruling procedure (Art. 267 TFEU) and, above all, the infringement procedure (Art. 258 TFEU) associated with sanctions (Art. 260 TFEU) need to be considered, in addition to the less than effective procedure according to Art. 7 TEU. An integration community demands that its Member States restrict their own freedom of policymaking and accept these restrictions. Therefore, maintaining the right balance between integration and remaining national competences of the Member States is an ongoing task as is ensuring the rule of law.
CS
Jednota v rozmanitosti je charakteristickým znakem Evropské unie. Národní zvláštnosti každého členského státu jsou součástí jeho identity, kterou je Evropská unie podle čl. 4 odst. 2 SEU povinna respektovat. Na druhé straně se však vyžaduje dodržování unijního práva, zejména společných hodnot podle čl. 2 SEU. Právo je totiž základem Evropské unie jako právního společenství. Princip právního státu představuje nezadatelný fundament vzájemné důvěry, který mimo jiné vyžaduje soudcovskou nezávislost na zákonodárné a výkonné moci, které soudy kontrolují. K dodržování těchto hodnot slouží jednak velmi málo účinné řízení podle čl. 7 SEU, jednak řízení o porušení smlouvy, v němž mohou být členskému státu ukládány sankce. Integrativní společenství vyžaduje omezení politické moci členských států. Proto je stanovení a dodržování správné míry poměru mezi unijní integrací a pravomocemi členských států trvalým úkolem obdobně jako respektování principu právního státu.
EN
The aim of this paper is to fill the cognitive gap regarding the role of sanctions in the protection of a creditor’s property rights in the event of an entrepreneur insolvency. The impact of sanctions on transaction costs, including their identification and types, as well as the impact on the protection of creditor rights, has been poorly recognized in the subject literature to date. This article investigates the theory of transaction costs and property rights by providing an identification and description of formal negative sanctions, as well as their impact on counteracting the appropriation of creditors’ rights in bankruptcy proceedings. These studies are part of the discussion on the role of formalized negative sanctions, in terms of enforcing behaviours expected by the legislator.
EN
As a result of the annexation of Crimea and the Russian aggression in Ukraine in 2014, the United States as well as other states and international organizations decided to impose economic sanctions against the Russian Federation. The sanctions were mainly directed against the energy and banking sectors. The following article presents the condition of the Russian energy sector after 2014 with regard to the consequences of the Western sanctions.  
EN
The question of proportionality is undoubtedly an overriding concern of forma requirements in the modern private law – approaching form as a functionally motivated regulatory tool (designed to reach particular economic and social goals). A the goals in question and particular goals for their fulfilment (both formalities itself, as well as the consequences prescribed for their non-observance) are set forth generally, regardless of any particular legal dealing already made, the interdependence between these two spheres (“goals” and “means”) is being predetermined in equally abstract terms. This peculiarity – proper both (yet in different shape) for the requirements enacted through statute and stipulated by the parties – entails the need of assessment, whether formalities and effects of their breach remain actually proportional against the particular circumstances arising in their application. In some instances the balance in question can be distorted due to the occurrences and conditions existing both at the time of decision making or prior to it, as well as arising later on. In these cases emerges the need for restoring proportionality – and, if recognized, incentivizes to seek for remedial tools. The text summarizes the most common ways of maintaining and restoring proportionality, developed by the judiciary (in discourse with the doctrine) and statutory law, supplemented by the parties’ dealings. Upon these observations it attempts to identify the more common structures and concepts underlying the issue of proportionality in the field of formal requirements.
EN
The aim of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the legislation on the fight against illegal employment both at the supranational level of the European Union and at the EU Member States level, inter alia, in Poland, France, and Germany. The leading method in the study was the comparative-legal method. It helped to compare the peculiarities of the practice of European countries in the field of combating illegal employment in the EU Member States, as well as to identify how this issue is regulated. The results demonstrate that illegal employment destroys legal jobs, leads to the increase in unemployment and deprives the state of revenues such as tax and social contributions, etc. That is why international declarations and conventions should guarantee the right to work in the European Union for the citizens of non-European states.
EN
The 50th anniversary of the Prague Spring is marked in 2018. Today, the events of 1968 retain their significance for relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The subject of the research is the impact of the events of the Prague Spring in 1968 on current relations between Russia and the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. The author analyzes in detail the key causes and consequences of the Prague Spring, as well as the current state of Russian-Czech and Russian-Slovak relations in conditions of anti-Russian sanctions.Analyzing the role of the attitudes of modern Czechs and Slovaks to the events of 1968, the author concluded that for the citizens of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, they are more historical. Condemning the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Prague, Russia closed this chapter in its relations with the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, becoming separate countries, overcame the problems in their relations in the 20th century.The article demonstrates that the deterioration of bilateral relations between Russia and the Czech Republic and Russia and Slovakia is due not to unsatisfied historical claims, but to the general cooling in relations between Russia and the EU and the policy of sanctions. Today, Prague and Bratislava are forced to balance between Brussels and Moscow, seeking to ensure their national interests, which for the Czech Republic and Slovakia are inextricably linked with both the European Union and Russia.The novelty of the research lies in the study of relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia through the prism of the evolution of their cultural and historical determinants. Thus, the author used the case study method and content analysis in his research. The theoretical basis of the research was the works of both Russian and foreign authors. The practical basis of the study was data from sociological surveys conducted in the Czech Republic and Slovakia in recent decades, as well as the evidence of eyewitnesses of the events of the Prague Spring.
EN
The article analyses the positions of the Visegrad Group and the Baltic countries on the Russia-Ukraine conflict that erupted in 2014. The authors prove that Poland, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia are united by perception that the Russian aggression in Ukraine is a threat to their national security, they support for tough policy of anti-Russian sanctions in the international arena, and assist Ukraine and the level of declarations and at the level of action. Nonetheless , level of their participation and support for Ukraine depends on their actual capabilities and domestic and foreign policy priorities. Reactions of other V4 countries to events in Ukraine are more restrained and vary from quiet pragmatism in Slovakia to clear pro-Russian voices in the Czech Republic and Hungary. It is unlikely, however, that their position can be a real obstacle to the implementation of the common EU action in the near future.
11
88%
EN
The current sustainable development of the world is threatened by a lot of factors, e.g. armed conflicts, terrorism, migration waves and others. Nowadays, the most significant factor for the Slovak Republic, and the whole Middle Europe, is the conflict in the Ukraine. The European Union has been joined to solution of this conflict since its beginning. The contribution summarizes the sanctions development between the Russian Federation and the European Union. The sanctions have relevant impact on the development of various economic indicators, through which we can describe the economy development of the country. The main aim of the paper is to describe the development of strategic raw materials prices and their correlation with imposed sanctions.
EN
In the article is analyzed European Union crisis diplomacy with Iran, which finally brought to the final settlements. Beside the nuclear issues, in EU and Iran relations are visible other issues, as such as: human rights, security, energy and trade. In the 90’s and 2000’s EU proposed the formula critical and comprehensive dialogue. Now after nuclear settlement, crisis diplomacy with Iran is essential, due to the problems and challenges related with internal Iranian politics and its regional policy.
The Lawyer Quarterly
|
2024
|
vol. 14
|
issue 1
111-122
EN
The unprovoked Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2014 triggered the need for a European response. With unprecedented speed, the Union adopted a series of restrictive measures limiting trade with the Russian Federation, freezing the assets of individuals, and restricting their activities in the Single Market. The Union also had to address the issue of the undermining of European unity and society by Russian media houses based in Member States. Restrictions on the broadcasting of Russia Today France were subsequently challenged in the European General Court. This was the first time the Court had ruled on restrictions on the activities of an entire editorial office. The days of innocence are coming to an end and days of hard choices are becoming the norm as the Union begins to assume its geopolitical responsibilities.
EN
The paper deals with European legal approach to combat environmental crime. It is divided into three sections. The first section analyses its legal framework, namely the Convention on the Protection of Environment through Criminal Law of 1998, the Directive 2008/99/EC on the protection of the environment through criminal law and the Directive 2005/35/EC on ship-source pollution and on the introduction of penalties for infringements. The second section is focused on crimes and sanctions as defined by mentioned documents. The last third section briefly introduces European networks and agencies combating environmental crime, namely the European Network against Environmental Crime and the European Maritime Safety Agency.
EN
Nowe kierunki badań nad praktyką kontrolną Komisji Europejskiej na przykładzie Polski Celem artykułu jest zaproponowanie nowych kierunków badań w obszarze kontroli przestrzegania prawa UE przez państwa członkowskie wobec rosnącego w Europie eurosceptyzmu. Artykuł proponuje na przykładzie Polski, że uformował się nowy sposób prowadzenia polityki unijnej, który wymyka się tradycyjnym klasyfikacjom i wymaga przemyślenia istniejących teorii nt. źródeł naruszeń państw. Skutkuje to koniecznością rewaluacji dotychczasowej praktyki kontrolnej KE i niesie ze sobą potrzebę nowego spojrzenia na stosowane przez Komisję procedury, metody i narzędzia kontroli nie tylko względem naruszeń prawa EU, ale również w sporze dotyczącym zasady praworządności, gdzie zachowania obu stron są symptomatyczne dla ich ogólnej praktyki.
16
75%
EN
The U.S. relations to Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) are since the end of the Cold War revolving around achieving a state of nuclear free Korean peninsula. As non-proliferation is a long term of American foreign policy, relations to North Korea could be categorized primarily under this umbrella. However, the issue of North Korean political system also plays role as it belongs to the other important, more normative category of U.S. foreign policy which is the protection of human rights and spreading of democracy and liberal values. In addition, the North Korean issue influences U.S. relations and interests in broader region of Northeast Asia, its bilateral alliances with South Korea (Republic of Korea, ROK) and Japan as well as sensitive and complex relations to People’s Republic of China. As the current administration of president Donald J. Trump published its National security strategy and was fully occupied with the situation on Korean peninsula in its first year, the aim of the paper is to analyse the changes in evolution of U.S. North Korean policy under last three administrations, look at the different strategies adopted in order to achieve the same aim, the denuclearization. The paper does not provide a thorough analysis, neither looks at all documents adopted and presented in the U.S. or within the U.N. It more focuses on the general principles of particular strategies, most significant events in mutual relations as recorded by involved gov­ernmental officials and also weaknesses of these strategies as none has achieved desirable result. In conclusion, several options for current administration are drawn, however all of them require significant compromises and could be accompanied with series of setbacks dangerous for regional stability and U.S. position in the region.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyze and evaluate Germany’s policy toward the 2022 war in Ukraine from the standpoint of the United States, anti-Russian coalition leader. The main research problem is the question: Does Germany’s policy of supporting Ukraine and sanctioning Russia meet US expectations? The main hypothesis is that after Germany’s disgrace in the first months of the war, its reputation as a reliable ally of the United States in Europe was gradually restored as a result of its successively increasing support for Ukraine and breaking off cooperation with Russia. Germany saw significant revaluations in consequence of the war in Ukraine, especially in the military and energy sectors. Regardless of the outcome of the war, a return to „business as usual” in terms of economic and energy cooperation with Russia is very unlikely. In turn, the military improvements that have been announced, including a major boost in the combat potential of the Bundeswehr, will probably only partially be carried out. Germany will continue to be one of US key allies in Europe during the coming years, but it is likely that Washington will tighten cooperation with the countries of NATO’s eastern flank, to some extent at Germany’s expense. Interviews with American scientists and analysts specializing in international politics were conducted as part of the research.
FR
Cet article se concentre sur la responsabilité personnelle des dirigeants d’entreprise pour les infractions au droit de la concurrence. Cet article commence par l’examen du régime de sanction des dirigeants d’entreprises selon la loi sur la concurrence de la République de Lituanie. Nous examinons les dispositions légales et la pratique judiciaire des tribunaux lituaniens à partir de 2017, date à laquelle la première demande de sanction à l’encontre d’un dirigeant d’entreprise a été déposée. Il est souligné que dans la plupart des cas, les tribunaux ne satisfont pas entièrement les demandes du Conseil de la concurrence en ce qui concerne la sévérité des sanctions imposées aux dirigeants. Dans la deuxième partie de l’article, nous analysons en détail la jurisprudence des tribunaux administratifs de la République de Lituanie et révélons les éléments clés pour l’imposition de sanctions aux dirigeants. Premièrement, dans des circonstances exceptionnelles, les tribunaux peuvent imposer une sanction inférieure à celle prévue par la loi. Deuxièmement, les tribunaux peuvent imposer à la fois des sanctions principales et des sanctions supplémentaires ou n’importe laquelle d’entre elles. Troisièmement, le niveau des sanctions doit être déterminé à la lumière des amendes imposées aux entreprises pour des infractions au droit de la concurrence. L’article se termine par un bref résumé.
EN
This article focuses on the personal liability of managers of undertakings for breaches of competition law. This article starts with a review of the sanction regime for managers of undertakings according to the Competition law of the Republic of Lithuania. Reviewed are legal provisions and judicial practice of the Lithuanian courts starting from 2017, that is, when the first request to sanction a manager of an undertaking was submitted to the court by the Competition Council (CC). It is pointed out that in most cases the courts do not fully accept the requests of the CC with respect to the severity of the sanctions to be imposed on managers. The second part of the Article comprehensively analyses the case-law of administrative courts of the Republic of Lithuania, and presents key elements of the imposition of sanctions on company managers. Firstly, in exceptional circumstances, courts may impose a lower penalty than the one specified by competition law. Secondly, the courts may impose both, the main sanction as well as an additional one, or any of them. Thirdly, the level of sanctions should be determined the light of the fines imposed on undertakings for their infringements of competition law. The article concludes with a short summary.
EN
The annexation of Crimea by Russia in February 2014 and the ongoing conflict in Eastern Ukraine changed the security environment in Europe and led to a new global confrontation between Russia and NATO countries. It has also influenced the priorities and capabilities of the military modernization in Russia. On the military level, the conflict led to the formation of two strong contingents in the Russian army – in Crimea and near the borders with Ukraine. On the economic level, Western and Ukrainian sanctions forced Moscow to cut its budget for the military industrial complex and consider import substitution, which have negative short-term and long-term effects for the Russian army. On the strategic level, the Russian leadership began to perceive the probability of a direct conflict with NATO to be higher than ever since 1991.
PL
Chińsko-litewska wojna handlowa rozpoczęta przez Pekin w 2021 r. jest wydarzeniem bez precedensu w najnowszej historii - po raz pierwszy od momentu przyjęcia do Światowej Organizacji Handlu (WTO) Chiny z dnia na dzień podjęły decyzję o zasadniczo całkowitym zerwaniu więzi handlowych z państwem, który jest nie tylko członkiem tej organizacji, ale także Unii Europejskiej (UE). Skala działań chińskich wyraźnie wskazuje na pozaekonomiczne motywacje kierujące decydentami w Pekinie. W niniejszym artykule podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o przyczyny omawianego konfliktu - zarówno po stronie litewskiej, jak i chińskiej - a także o jego potencjalne implikacje dla kondycji gospodarki Litwy. Autorzy krótko charakteryzują również stosunek innych państw - członków UE i Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckiego (NATO) – do działań Pekinu wobec Litwy.
EN
The China-Lithuania trade war launched by Beijing in 2021 is an unprecedented event in recent history - for the first time since its admission to the World Trade Organization (WTO), China has decided overnight to essentially completely sever trade ties with a country that is not only a member of the organization, but also of the European Union (EU). The scale of China's actions clearly indicates the non-economic motivations driving decision-makers in Beijing. This article attempts to answer the question of the causes of the conflict in question - both on the Lithuanian and Chinese side - as well as its potential implications for the health of Lithuania's economy. The authors also briefly characterize the attitude of other countries - members of the EU and the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO) - to Beijing's actions against Lithuania.
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