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EN
The national security strategy is based on a holistic and systematic perception of the future. Strategic thinking requires rational and generative thought processes in formulating and conceptualizing long-term development trends and ensuring security. The text raises the attempt to find the relationship between strategic thinking and making effective strategic decisions.
EN
This study analyses various non-military factors in shaping the security policy of the Russian Federation. This work undertakes to establish their substance, content and scope, and to draw the conditions and trends in the political, economic and social security of modern Russia in the context of its international ambitions, role and state security. In the work theoretical method analysis, synthesis, abstracting and generalization were used. Based on the results of the research, it was determined that the specificity of its location definitely exerts an adverse effect on Russian state security. The reconstruction of imperial Russia is among the key goals set forth by Vladimir Putin in Russia’s foreign and military policy. In fact, the entire economic, political and military activity of Russia is subordinated to this goal. With regard to the economic and social state, the dependence of the Russian Federation on the extraction and export of crude oil and natural gas is an obvious indication of the constraints of its economy. Moscow’s particular interests are formulated in official state documents, such as the Military Doctrine and the National Security Strategy. These documents identify not only external and internal threats to state security but above all indicate the means and methods of possible deterrence.
EN
The article presents the issues of energy security with regard to center-peripherality theory using Central and Eastern Europe as an example. Until now the subject of energy security has not been discussed in the context of this theory and the author presents the question of peripherality of the region in terms of energy policy. Due to their long-lasting historical, political and economic dependence, CEE states do not possess secure and well-diversified sources of energy supply; in this area they depend on Russia. Moreover, they do not have an appropriate level of technology for investing in the latest and most ecological energy resources typical for the wealthy states of the former EU-15. Thus, their capability to influence the agenda of EU energy policy is lower than those of the EU-15 states. The following article aims to define the factors of peripherality and to examine its influence on the energy security policy adopted by CEE states.
EN
The history of the nations living in today’s Baltic States is marked by fighting against stronger neighbours: Russia, Poland, Sweden, Denmark and the German settlers in their territories. Unlike Lithuanians, Estonians and Latvians failed to create their own statehood before the 20 th century. The Lithuanians created their own state, a powerful one, which then became a part of an even wider state organism – the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. As a result, the security policy of Lithuania was identical to that of the First Republic of Poland. Although there were tribes living within the area of current Estonia and Latvia for many centuries up to the outbreak of World War I, the lands of Latvia and Estonia had been changing owners and had been under the rule of almost all neighbouring countries. As a result of the positive outcome of the First World War, but also thanks to their efforts, the Baltic States regained independence in order to lose it after only 20 years, as a consequence of another war. After restoring independence with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Baltic States realised that even acting together they were unable to defend themselves against a potential aggressor. As a result, they decided to follow in the footsteps of other countries of the former Eastern Bloc (e.g. Poland and Slovakia) and to integrate with Western European structures such as NATO and the EU. Following NATO inclusion, the security strategies of the Baltic States have been revised in line with the changes in their surrounding geopolitical environment.
EN
The article shows how the symbolism contained in the image of the Jewish state influenced, especially recently, the vectors of Israel’s security policy. Attention is paid to these aspects aimed at protecting national identity. The author tries to substantiate the influence of the cultural factor on Israel’s security policy. The research is based on historical analysis, source analysis, and descriptive narrative. The instruments and tools used by the state in the implementation of the aforementioned tasks are presented – from the basic laws and compatible legal acts regulating the social life of Israeli citizens to the policy of cultural and ethnic isolation and separation carried out by the armed forces. In the Middle East emphasizing one’s own individuality is a strategic goal, but the price of internal a conflicts can be high.
EN
Safety is a basic need for both individuals and state organizations. Prawo i Sprawiedliwość is a political party that often declares providing public security. The aim of this article is to identify solutions concerning public security implemented by the government of Prime Minister Beata Szydło. In the paper, the author analyzes declarations regarding the provision of public security contained in the 2014 political agenda of Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, and their implementation after the seizure of power by the above-mentioned political party in 2015.
EN
The article analyzes the provisions of the EU security strategy, with particular regard to the identified threats and proposed actions to reduce their negative impact. An attempt was also made to analyze the maritime safety strategy. The exploration allows us to conclude that the documents are much more complementary than the previous ones, which gives hope for an effective security policy.
EN
Civilian management and democratic control over the army do not only consist in establishing organs and mechanisms of control and optimising their activity. It is significant to determine and respect the role of the armed forces in the society, which would allow making the army a politically neutral instrument of legally functioning forces as well as appropriate organisational structures with strictly defined protection measures allocated to carry out the undertakings of the state and the nation. The position and function of the army in society should be based on the fact that it reflects the features of the society it comes from. In order to facilitate the effective progression of the process, the following aspects should be taken into account: in what manner the army reacts to the decisions and actions of civilian society; whether there are intermediary bodies between these spheres; to what extent the armed forces represent the interests of the society; and whether a soldier-citizen exists or if the two notions should be treated separately
EN
The objective of this paper is to examine whether in the post-Cold War period the European approach to security policy is in fact different than the one of the United States of America, and why it is so. The author tries also to analyse what might be the impact of these differences on the transatlantic relationship and what consequences it might bring in the nearest future. After the description and definition of the term “security”, the author analyses the differences between the two approaches and refers to the arguments and viewpoints of different scholars. In conclusion an attempt to foresee the future of the EU – US security relations is undertaken. Celem artykułu jest zbadanie czy podejścia Unii Europejskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki do polityki bezpieczeństwa są rzeczywiście różne, jakie są tego powody i co z tego wynika. Oprócz samej charakterystyki obu aktorów stosunków międzynarodowych, jakimi są UE i USA, i analizy ich podejść, autor próbuje ustosunkować się do przytoczonych zdań i poglądów różnych znanych naukowców z dziedziny stosunków międzynarodowych. Zbadanie różnicy w podejściach do polityki bezpieczeństwa jest punktem wyjścia do próby oceny ich wpływu na relacje transatlantyckie i refleksji nad najbliższą przyszłością
EN
The article aims to introduce the analysis of Israeli politics from the perspective of French historian, philosopher and sociologist Raymond Aron (1905–1983). Aron belonged to the secular Jewish assimilated community in France. That is why his analyses of Israel are both very deep and detailed. Aron described Israel as a crossroad of global international relations and ”planetary“ diplomacy. In his life research, he emphasized strictly the disinterested analytical approach, thus he described Israeli policy and the political environment of Middle East from this point of view. Although his thinking was based on realistic theory of international relations and etatism, his analysis of Israeli policy rather came from his personal beliefs. In result, Aron could afford to understand freely all problems of the participants of Israeli politics.
EN
The Democratic Left Alliance implemented an ambitious interior security policy in fighting with corruption and administrative modernization. This programme was only in part of a left-wing nature, but it was also the result of current needs. This program was controlled by journalists, who at times exaggerated its errors and failure.
EN
The subject of the article is an analysis of the EULEX Kosovo mission’s role, as an example of international cooperation in combating the organized crime in the area of former ethnic conflict. The above mentioned mission is considered as one of the most important acts of realization of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy, and it has been playing both important and positive role in term of combating organized crime, which belongs to the crucial problems hindering the normalization of situation in Kosovo. The analysis being carried out shows that the presence of international entities in this country is still required for mini mizing the threat from the organized crime.
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EN
Article is about the politicisation of humanitarian aid to victims of armed conflicts. The author analyses humanitarian policies of ten largest humanitarian state donors and the European Union and assesses the degree of their politicisation. Author also discusses the process of consolidation of the activities undertaken by humanitarian organisations and presents the cluster approach. Along with the global escalation and proliferation of armed conflict and the ensuing growing threats to national and international security governments have begun to look for the new methods of influence on unstable regions and use them to establishing peace and security. One of them became the distribution of humanitarian aid. A six-fold augmentation of the amount of subsidies (1999-2012) increased the possibilities of taking action in the areas of conflict, but also transformed the humanitarian sphere into the aid business. It supported the creation of new organisations, which - for the appropriate remuneration – have realised humanitarian programs in line with the political guidelines of governments, not necessarily forming a response to the needs of victims. Assessing the politicisation of humanitarian aid transferred by the state and the EU the group of the largest donors can be divided into three subgroups. To the first belong states, which subordinating the humanitarian ideas to the political guidelines: USA (the largest global donor), Saudi Arabia and Canada. The second group consists of the European Commission, Japan, Netherlands and Germany, which have implement humanitarian principles into their policies, but have not reduce their right to decide about the allocation and method of delivery of their assistance. In the third group - remains in apparent opposition to the first group – there are Sweden, Norway, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. Humanitarian programs of those states are conducted strictly as a respond to the real and most important humanitarian needs of victims of crisis
PL
Celem artykułu będzie analiza procesów tworzenia i odtwarzania tożsamości śląskiej po 1989 roku i związanych z nimi problemów wynikających z obowiązującej w Polsce unitarnej koncepcji państwa. Opisano sprzeczności wynikające z przyjęcia tej koncepcji, których przejawami będą konflikty wokół narodowości śląskiej, języka śląskiego oraz autonomii regionu. Niezwykle istotne są również różnice pojawiające się w postrzeganiu historii oraz odmienna pamięć zbiorowa Ślązaków i reprezentujących narodową perspektywę przedstawicieli władz lokalnych i regionalnych. Artykuł oparty został na analizie danych jakościowych pochodzących w głównej mierze z badań własnych prowadzonych od 1997 roku oraz analizie danych zastanych.
EN
The role of expertise centres is to provide an objective presentation of the situation in various aspects of the functioning o f the state, including the international arena, and to design different scenarios for specific cases, as well as developing general outlooks. Political parties, and thus also the policy-makers, are increasingly turning to the knowledge of experts. At this point a question arises o f what this expert support for the parties consists of, and what is the impact o f theoretically objective experts on state policy. The starting point for the considerations in this paper is a report published in January 2015 ‘Global Go To Think Tank Index Ranking’ (7th edition), which does not mention any Polish centres in the category of ‘National Security and Defence.’ Does that mean that such centres do not exist in Poland, or maybe that their achievements do not qualify them for this prestigious ranking? The purpose of this paper is to present the main Polish expert centres which research security issues and to attempt to answer the question of whether policy-makers are aware of the existence of such think tanks and whether they use their services.
PL
Rolą ośrodków eksperckich jest obiektywne przedstawianie sytuacji w różnych aspektach funkcjonowania państwa, w tym na arenie międzynarodowej, i tworzenie scenariuszy rozwoju sytuacji tak dla konkretnych przypadków, jak też generalizowanie. Partie polityczne, a co za tym idzie także decydenci polityczni, coraz częściej sięgają po wiedzę ekspertów. W tym miejscu rodzi się pytanie, kto stanowi zaplecze eksperckie dla partii i jaki jest wpływ, teoretycznie obiektywnych, ekspertów na politykę państwa. Punktem wyjścia dla podjętych rozważań jest opublikowany w styczniu 2015 r. raport Global Go to Think Tank Ranking Index (VII edycja), w którym w kategorii Bezpieczeństwo i Obrona Narodowa zabrakło polskich ośrodków. Czy to oznacza, że takie nie istnieją, czy może raczej ich dorobek nie kwalifikuje ich do tego prestiżowego rankingu. Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie głównych polskich ośrodków eksperckich podejmujących w swych badaniach kwestie bezpieczeństwa oraz próba odpowiedzi na pytanie czy decydenci polityczni mają świadomość istnienia takich ośrodków i czy korzystają z ich usług.
EN
Aims of the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union are an aspiration to the world peace and a guarantee of outside safety and defenses for Member States of the Union, preventing military threats of all kinds and terrorist attacks, the promotion of European interests and shared „European” influence on the politics of states of world, especially in the peaceful international cooperation and observing human rights, according to the legal interpretation in the text of the Treaty on European Union. At the same time these aims cannot be interpreted as the substitute of the European world power status and the instrumentation of making independent the politics of both individual countries of Europe, and the European Union of the United States (of Russia, China, countries of the „Islamic civilization”), but should be spotted as the activity for the common wealth of Europeans and residents of other continents.
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Okolnosti a příčiny vzniku tajné služby SAVAK

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EN
This paper aims to illuminate the foreign policy and internal security context which contributed to the decision to establish an intelligence service and a secret police, both included in one all-embracing organization, SAVAK. The paper takes into account the influence of foreign policy actors, especially the United States of America, on the strengthening of Iran’s armed forces capabilities, especially with regard to the specific needs arising from the context of the Cold War in the 1950s. To understand the situation in which Iran found itself in the middle of the 20th century, it is also necessary to provide a brief outline of the development of the security and, in particular, intelligence apparatus in Iran in previous periods.
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EN
The article has been dedicated to the issue of the eastern dimension of NATO, with a special consideration of the evolution of NATO’s policy in this regard, the extension of the organization, as well as bilateral relations with Russia, Ukraine and Georgia. In the article, the circumstances of the cooperation between NATO and those countries have been discussed, the instruments and mechanisms of such cooperation, as well as the evolution of the Euro-Atlantic policy of Ukraine and Georgia. The article also describes the consequences of the annexation of Crimea and the conflict in the eastern Ukraine, as well as their impact on NATO’s policy. Therefore the decisions made at the NATO summit in Warsaw, directed towards improving the security of the eastern flanks, and Russia’s position in this matter are also analysed.
EN
The consequence of systemic and political changes in Poland involved reorientation of Polish policy in terms of perceiving security. It was reflected in newly defined policy directions which expression involved a search for the new guarantees of security. The problem of ensuring state security in new geopolitical conditions is expressed in the adopted hierarchy of priorities of implementation of the Polish national interest. The exercise of the specified policy priorities means Poland’s obtaining a solid security basis. The Polish Army, the armed forces of the Republic of Poland, has become an element of NATO’s broad security system. The implementation of the policy in this regard by the Polish government has recently been more and more unidimensional. Only cooperation with the USA is at the target of the Polish security policy. Issues related to its costs remain outside its determinants. There is no reflection on being dependent on another egoistic player.
EN
Over the last thirty years, the importance and interest in cultural factors in international relations and in international security has increased. The links between culture and security, and in particular the impact of culture on security, are issues whose importance is growing and which are being increasingly studied. They are regarded as a multifaceted problem, as cultural differences have become the cause of conflicts and wars, and tendencies of cultural domination have led to the destruction of cultures and entire civilizations. It therefore seems interesting to reflect on the process of developing an independent strategic culture of the Russian Federation. The purpose of the article is to discuss the process of shaping the independent strategic culture of the Russian Federation and to address four basic research problems: the sources of Russian strategic culture; the indication which of them are primary and which are secondary ones; determining whether Russian strategic culture underwent evolution; and determining whether then Cold War influenced the shape of today’s strategic culture of the Russian Federation. To achieve the intended purpose of the article, critical analysis of literature is applied, which allowed to find answers to the research questions.
EN
The development and direction of Japan’s security policy is a topic of strategic importance in the region of East Asia, especially in the light of recent development of reinterpretation of the pacifist Constitution in terms of collective defense and its exercise. The aim of this article was to reveal and analyze trends and dissimilarities in Japan’s security policy after the end of the Cold War through the use of both quantitative and qualitative content analysis. The objects of the analysis were four subsequent revisions of National Defense Program Guidelines, a basic strategic document, from years 1995, 2004, 2010 and 2013. The first quantitative part revealed significant security concepts, which the strategic documents concentrated most on and their changes over time. The second qualitative part provided for a complex relationship model of security policy and influencing categories, and their gradual development in time.
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