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1

O zagadnieniu współpracy organów władzy wykonawczej w systemach półprezydenckich, Tapio Raunio, Thomas Sedelius, Semi-Presidential Policy-Making in Europe. Executive Coordination and Political Leadership, Palgrave Macmillan, London 2020, s. 182

100%

Czachor R.

Przegląd Sejmowy

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2022

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issue 2(169)

215–222

EN

The following review presents a recently published monograph written by Tapio Raunio and Thomas Sedelius which tackles the issue of formal and informal aspects of the semi-presidential model of the political system. The book covers three cases: Finland, Lithuania, and Romania. The authors have thoroughly discussed both the institutions for coordinating cooperation between presidents and prime ministers and the informal paths of presidential influence. Such influences are factors that destabilise the regular coordination of exercising the executive power. It is found that the key factors that destabilise cooperation of presidents and prime ministers are: the political culture of a particular society and the type of political leadership presented by each president.

2

Is the Czech Republic on its Way to Semi-Presidentialism?

100%

Hloušek V.

Baltic Journal of Law & Politics

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2014

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vol. 7

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issue 2

95-118

EN

The main aim of the article is to contribute to the bourgeoning debate on semipresidentialism, its definition, and its characteristic features, with analysis of the empirical example of the Czech Republic, a country which, according to Elgie´s standard definition, shifted to semi-presidentialism in 2012. The author investigates whether and how Miloš Zeman, the first directly elected president of the Czech Republic, influences relations among the key political institutions in the direction of the model of a semi-presidential democracy. The paper sets out the working concept of semi-presidentialism first and, through the lenses of process tracing, analyses the goals and acts of Zeman after he entered office in January 2013. The case study of the Czech Republic sheds light not only on the recent development(s) in the Czech political system, but it can be seen as an interesting example of how strong political personalities are attempting to expand their influence on politics in a parliamentary democracy and what the possible limits of this effort are.

3

Towards Presidential Rule in Ukraine: Hybrid Regime Dynamics Under Semi-Presidentialism

75%

Sedelius T., Berglund S.

Baltic Journal of Law & Politics

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2012

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vol. 5

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issue 1

20-45

EN

This article sets out to analyse recent regime developments in Ukraine in relation to semi-presidentialism. The article asks: to what extent and in what ways theoretical arguments against semi-presidentialism (premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems) are relevant for understanding the changing directions of the Ukrainian regime since the 1990s? The article also reviews the by now overwhelming evidence suggesting that President Yanukovych is turning Ukraine into a more authoritarian hybrid regime and raises the question to what extent the president-parliamentary system might serve this end.The article argues that both kinds of semi-presidentialism have, in different ways, exacerbated rather than mitigated institutional conflict and political stalemate. The return to the president-parliamentary system in 2010 - the constitutional arrangement with the most dismal record of democratisation - was a step in the wrong direction. The premier-presidential regime was by no means ideal, but it had at least two advantages. It weakened the presidential dominance and it explicitly anchored the survival of the government in parliament. The return to the 1996 constitution ties in well with the notion that President Viktor Yanukovych has embarked on an outright authoritarian path.

4

The Convergence of Presidential and Parliamentary Elections in France: Analysis of Systemic Tendencies from the Perspective of Sixty Years of the Fifth Republic

75%

Jakubiak Ł.

Polish Political Science Yearbook

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2019

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vol. 1 (48)

135-154

EN

The paper deals with specific links between presidential and parliamentary elections in contemporary France. The main goal is to demonstrate that the timing of the two types of political events is a significant factor preserving the configuration of a pro-presidential majority fact as one of the possible variants of French semi-presidentialism. This raises the question of the role of both elections as instruments for controlling the process of setting up a space of political rivalry that could be perceived as optimal from the viewpoint of ruling camps. The author analyses possibilities to provide the convergence of presidential and parliamentary elections under the conditions of a seven-year presidential term as well as after its shortening to five years in 2000. Hence, of particular importance is the impact of some mechanisms used in this field on the institutional logic of the French political system. Specific application of constitutional tools and some normative changes introduced in previous years cause the extent of the aforementioned control to be now much greater than in the first decades of the Fifth Republic. Looking at the convergence of both types of elections from the perspective of the evolution of the existing political system, the author argues that it is legitimate to divide the whole period of the Fifth Republic into three sub-periods: 1. the absence of electoral convergence (1958–1981); 2. partial electoral convergence (1981– –2002); full electoral convergence (since 2002). Due to the acceptance of the pro-presidential paradigm, the latter formula is now definitely preferred and supported by legal regulations, which affects the flexibility of French semi-presidentialism (significantly reduced, but not fully eliminated, probability of cohabitation).

5

From Constitutional Volatility to Constitutional Stability: Any Chance to Reconcile Constitutionalism and Power Struggle in Ukraine?

75%

Tyushka A.

Historia i Polityka

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2016

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issue 16(23)

57-71

EN

This article addresses the problem of the ongoing constitutional transition in Ukraine that has been revived by the Maidan revolution of 2013–2014. The constitutional transition is increasingly seen as being key for solving what is apparently the greatest political crisis in the country’s history, for providing long-term stabilization of Ukraine’s constitutional order and ensuring democratic development. The article sheds light on a series of revolutionary causes of the current constitutional reform, against a broader context of preceding instrumentalization of constitutional politics and volatility of the constitutional process. Pre-revolutionary (presidential-parliamentary) and post-revolutionary (parliamentary-presidential) constitutional settings are compared, whilst the ramifications of re-transition to parliament- -dominated rule are also scrutinized. Finally, against the backdrop of an unfinished constitutional reform, the argument developed in the of the constitutional setting of Ukraine as both a desirable and necessary development to stabilize social-political and constitutional orders of the county.

6

Superprezydencjalizm jako odrębny system polityczno-prawny

63%

Czachor R.

Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

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2022

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issue 4(68)

89-98

PL

Klasyczna typologia wyróżnia trzy główne modele rządów: parlamentaryzm, półprezydencjalizm, prezydencjalizm. Differentia specifica polegają na innych konstrukcjach prawnych głównych organów władzy publicznej, w tym relacji wzajemnych pomiędzy legislatywą a egzekutywą. Celem niniejszego artykułu jest uzasadnienie tezy o celowości wzbogacenia istniejącej typologii o kategorię superprezydencjalizmu. Wskazano na istnienie grupy ustrojów polityczno-prawnych, które nie mieszczą się w tradycyjnych ramach, czerpiąc zarówno z ustroju prezydenckiego, jak i semiprezydenckiego. Jego istotą jest dominacja instytucji prezydenta nad pozostałymi organami władzy, jego znacząca rola w zakresie egzekutywy, mimo że bezpośrednio nie kieruje rządem, a także uprawnienia wobec legislatywy i judykatywy. Omówienia treści superprezydencjalizmu dokonano na podstawie analizy ustrojów państwowych postradzieckich republik Azji Środkowej.

EN

The classical typology distinguishes three models of sharing state power: parliamentarism, semi-presidentialism, and presidentialism. Distinctive features concern the position of main state organs and mutual relations between the legislature and executive bodies. The following paper argues in favor of enriching such classification by distinguishing superpresidentialism. It confirms that there is a group of political systems that do not fit traditional typology, combining some features of the semi-presidentialism and presidentialism. The core feature of the superpresidentialism is the domination of the President over the political system, its leading position in exercising power, control over the government, significant competences towards legislature and judiciary. The content of the superpresidentialism is discussed basing on the example of Central Asian republics.

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2 Baltic Journal of Law & Politics

1 Historia i Polityka

1 Polish Political Science Yearbook

1 Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego

1 Przegląd Sejmowy

2 Czachor R.

1 Berglund S.

1 Hloušek V.

1 Jakubiak Ł.

1 Sedelius T.

1 Tyushka A.

2 2022

1 2019

1 2016