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1

Zorganizowane formy aktywności naukowej polskich studentów z perspektywy teorii ruchów społecznych

100%

Smużewska M.

Analecta. Studia i Materiały z Dziejów Nauki

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2013

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vol. 22

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issue 1-2(42-43)

191-214

EN

This article aims to characterize a segment of Polish student activity in the perspective of social movements theories. By analysing the contents (archives, memoirs, publishing of organizations), the history of scientific circles in the first half of the 20th century was reconstructed. The tool used for the analysis was idealization. Students' scientific movement is a potentially important field for inexperienced scholars. Without it, young people would have no means to find their own scientific interests and to continue higher education at postgraduate level. The scientific movement of students helps to improve the quality of education in higher education, although in the past, it held various positions, not just scientific. The text focuses on the scientific activity of Polish students during the Second Polish Republic and the People's Republic, but also has a theoretical dimension. The study provides empirical data to test the relevance of ideas from various strands of the theory of social movements - especially the concept of collective action and interpretive approaches. The issues discussed are: organizational structure, identity and subjectivity of the movement. The text discusses the key differences between the model of the student movement in 1918-1939 and 1948-1956 with the use of organizational field concept. The added value of this work is the interdisciplinarity, combining the workshop of a historian and a sociologist. The students' scientific movement is not a very popular subject, so far overlooked by sociologists.

2

Emancypacja w czasach ołowiu. Herbert Marcuse a kwestia przemocy

80%

Pluciński P.

Nowa Krytyka

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2011

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issue 26-27

357–364

EN

The article examines violence as a means of emancipatory action in the thought of Herbert Marcuse. Ambivalent character of the relation between radical social theory and radical action is presented as well as pragmatic justifications for potentially “purifying” function of violence.

3

Formowanie grup anarchistycznych i ich działanie w ruchach społecznych Armenii

80%

Ordyan G.

Our Europe. Ethnography – Ethnology – Anthropology of Culture

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2016

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issue Vol. 5

17-22

EN

Over the last few years we may notice anarchist symbols and flags which appear in social movements in Armenia. This shows that anarchist organizations appear and are active there. So far they have not been the subject of scientific research as they are still small and not fully developed. However their more visible activity in social movements is the reason why this attitude has changed. In this paper I am trying to show what factors contribute to the development of the anarchist organization and its ideology on the territory of the former Soviet Union, i.e. Armenia, with the emphasis on how the anarchist ideology functions in social movements, their acti - vities and forms of representation in the Armenian society.

4

Between social control and conflict: an analytical framework for social movements

80%

Baranowski M., Instytut Socjologii U. A. M. w. P.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Sociologica

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2013

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vol. 47

EN

The main goal of this article is to attempt to determine the analytical framework of social movements that would constitute an essential element of this form of collective activity. In order to identify this element (or elements) I will review the four main approaches to the study of social movements, which allows me to settle the issue in sociological conflict tradition. From the point of view of the outlined objective, Alain Touraine’s approach will be a key perspective.

5

La enseñanza de la historia en el currículum chileno de educación básica como reflejo del contexto político actual

80%

Sáez-Rosenkranz I.

Kultura-Społeczeństwo-Edukacja

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2016

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vol. 10

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issue 2

9-22

EN

The aim of this article is to explain the characteristics on current History teaching proposed into the curriculum of primary education in Chile under the present social process. We employ Raymond Williams cultural materialism and specifically his categories on cultural products to apprehend the curriculum and link it to the context where it is pro duced. To do so, we use the historical method, and considering pedagogical and didactical elements. The documental corpus analyzed is conformed by the official documents guiding education but also other historical sources coming from the current political situation. The results on this analysis show that there is a curricular dichotomy between traditional history teaching based on events of national history and learning by rote and, current didactical proposals, which tend to develop historical thinking. This situation reflects the political tension on social demands and the institutional longstanding objectives for education.

6

Skąd (i dokąd) ten bunt? Ruch społeczny Obywatele Nauki jako przykład ruchów akademickich wprowadzających zmianę kulturową

80%

Kola A. M.

Rocznik Pedagogiczny

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2015

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vol. 38

127-142

EN

Changes of university should not be a result of administrators’ and university managers’ decisions (as a top-down approach), but of initiatives caused by academic community. These engaged initiatives may take a different forms – associations, foundations, membership in academic committees, as well as different kinds of new social movements. An example of such a social movement are Obywatele Nauki (the Citizens of Science). Its members are young (usually post-docs), as well as more experienced scholars, who – despite the fact of achieving scientific and academic success – are working for the common good and the good of the university seen as an important social institution. Thus the Citizens of Science propose and encourage other scholars to seek constructive and parallel solutions, that, on the one hand, will respect the cultural, social, economic roots building the identity of the university, and, on the other hand, that will have will to use the vitality of young academic. There are three main possibilities of interpretation of the activity of the movement. First of all, these are the modern conceptions of social movements (Gorlach, Mooney 2008; Krzeminski 2013; Sztompka 2010; Żuk 2001; Touraine 2010, 2011, 2013), analyzing measures in the dimension of macro, meso and microstructure. Another important interpretation path is a reference to the history of Social Solidarity Movement (Touraine 2010, 2011, 2013; Ost 2007; Staniszkis 2010; Koczanowicz 2009). The third possibility of interpretive is theory of performative democracy (Matynia 2008; Austin 1993; Searl 1980, 1987), which is a particular dimension of public life, what creates an alternative to the undemocratic, unjust practices of power.

7

Eksperyment walutowy. Wymiennik – w stronę oddolnej ekonomii

80%

Rycombel M.

Przegląd Humanistyczny

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2020

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vol. 64(2 (469))

77-94

PL

The paper presents Wymiennik – an alternative economic system created in 2012 in Warsaw, which uses a grassroots and virtual local currency called alterka. The author discusses the reading inspirations of the Wymiennik participants and their lifestyle to determine how the perceptions of the optimal shape of the nonmonetary exchange system relate to the real practice of its functioning. The paper describes the users’ motivations to participate in the system and the needs it fulfils. The sources of knowledge about the Wymiennik are: twelve in-depth interviews with users and system leaders, discourse analysis and two-year participant observation.

8

Signs of a Generational Change in Social Movements-Activists’ Use of Modern Information and Communication Technologies

80%

Konieczny P.

Polish Sociological Review

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2014

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vol. 187

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issue 3

261-290

EN

In this study I explore the use (and the non-use) of ICTs in the broad survey on their use by modern social movements, providing data on the demographics of the movements and their activists worldwide, and on the use (and non-use) of the ICTs. Based on four online surveys (including international, local US and Polish), data on distribution of social movement organizations, age of organizations and activists, numbers of activists and supporters, and organization goals are presented. Analysis of the diffusion and use of specific new ICTs follows. The research questions revolve around the blurring boundaries between members and non-members (unofficial supporters and volunteers) and the specifics of the use of new media (by whom and for what) with particular focus on the importance of organizational and membership age. The findings with regards to the use of modern ICTs show the success (wide diffusion and estimates of empowerment) of email, static websites, phones and social networking, contrasted with the relatively poor performance of blogs, podcats and online petitions on the social movement scene.

9

RIGHT TO THE MAP? COUNTER-MAPPING PRACTICES OF SMOG ALERTS AND URBAN GREENERY MOVEMENTS IN POLAND

70%

PUTKOWSKA-SMOTER R., FRANKOWSKI J.

Society Register

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2020

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vol. 4

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issue 4

129-150

EN

Data production is becoming an emerging trend in critical urban activism. Precise and reliable public information, including spatial and environmental information, serves individual and collective ‘right to the city’ beliefs. One of the common strategies adopted by contemporary urban movements to ensure the accuracy and inclusiveness of urban data production processes are various forms of counter-mapping, which we introduce in this paper as a perspective aimed in critical evaluation of urban environmental conditions in Polish cities. By process tracing of smog alerts and urban greenery movements, we investigate the main strategies of using such tools and their effects for both particular social actors, and general urban environmental policy. We argue that the core idea of a citizen-driven collection of geographical data is strongly supported by its other features – social involvement and collective production of visualizations illustrating the scale and dynamics of particular environmental problems. In this sense, counter-mapping is aimed rather at repoliticizing urban environmental data in order to critically evaluate existing urban policy, than just to ensure greater citizen involvement in environmental decision-making.

10

The “revival” of civil society in Central Eastern Europe: New environmental and political movements

70%

Torsello D.

Human Affairs

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2012

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vol. 22

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issue 2

178-195

EN

The idea of civil society is one of the oldest and most contested in Western political and sociological thought. Among the social sciences, anthropology has been the discipline that has prompted the boldest critiques of the concept. This paper argues that the “revival” of civil society in Central and Eastern Europe in one particular field-that of environmental activism-has been contingent with the outcomes of EU enlargement policies. I introduce the case study of one of the most complex and contested transport development projects in Central Eastern Europe: the Budapest Ring Road. I maintain that within the EU enlargement project alternative forms of political power have been built from below and that they eventually come to compete with the state (and local governments) to influence decision-making processes. These forms, to be individuated in the emergence of environmental activism, take shape at local, state and transnational levels and aim, although often contradictorily, at restituting political agency under the condition of lowering public participation in decision-making processes.

11

Kijowski Majdan jako symbol nowej Ukrainy

70%

Synowiec A.

Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne

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2015

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vol. 15

144-153

EN

Maidan Nezalezhnosti in Kiev is not just a geographic location, the city’s central square, but an area of freedom etched on the topography of the Ukrainian collective memory, an element of the symbolic resources on which today’s Ukrainian identity is founded. The concept of “Maidan” is filled with rich symbolic content. Maidan has become a social, political, ethical and religious category. Ukrainian revolution, Crimean crisis, separatist aspirations in Donetsk and Lugansk show how complicated the nation-building processes in Ukraine are. The role of Maidan in shaping citizenship among the competitive strategies of identity is worth noting. The question arises if a modern political nation was born in Maidan. Referring to my own observations made in Kiev in January and February 2013, the Ukrainian media coverage and numerous conversations with residents of Kiev, I would like to point to Kiev’s Maidan as a symbol in contemporary collective identity of Ukrainians.

12

Urbexersi - eksploratorzy opuszczonego miasta

70%

Kuźma K.

Studia Etnologiczne i Antropologiczne

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2015

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vol. 15

223-239

EN

On the territory of Poland, one can find numerous buildings, which became desolate as a result of the political transformation in 1989. Many have already been demolished to make room for new housing estates. Nevertheless, some still exist, and they are only visited by people specializing in their exploration. This article concerns these explorers, whose main goal is remembering the vanishing world. This world is vanishing for good right before our eyes. The article focuses on the similarities and differences between explorers. It also presents main ideas and principles of the movement, as well as the results of a recent stage of quantitative research.

13

Tworzenie boliwijskiego państwa wielonarodowego a opór wobec neoliberalnej globalizacji

70%

Barszczewski J.

Pogranicze. Studia Społeczne

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2016

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vol. 27 cz. 1

EN

The article focuses on the relation between indigenous social movements’ struggle for establishment of plurinational state and resistance to neoliberal globalization. It present origins of movements for indigenous empowerment, reforms which provided indigenous people with new rights and shows effects of these reforms. Author proves usefulness of the concept of counter-hegemonic globalization proposed by Boaventura de Sousa Santos in evaluation of these processes. Describes also characteristics of plurinational state and its role in the process of democratization, decommodification and decolonization of Bolivian society. Finally, analyzes current positive and negative consequences of establishment in Bolivia plurinational model of state and indicates new possibilities of struggle with neoliberal globalization.

14

Possibility of Knowledge Sharing Between the Old and the New Social Movements Sociological Reflections Based on Qualitative Research in Silesia

70%

Kamińska-Berezowska S.

Warsaw Forum of Economic Sociology

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2012

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vol. 4

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issue 7

109-132

EN

The paper presents similarities and differences in the perception of women's problems on the present Polish labour market by leaders of old and new social movements (i.e., trade unions and women's organisations respectively). Based on the qualitative research conducted in 2010-2011 in Silesia, the paper focuses on the issue of mutual perception of union leaders in trade industry and female leaders in women's organisations. It also analyses factors facilitating the integration of the both movements and their actual cooperation so far and emphasises the potential of their synergic cooperation.

15

Between fallacy and feasibility? Dealing with the risk of ecological fallacies in the quantitative study of protest mobilization and conflict

70%

Demarest L., Langer A., Mueleman B.

ASK. Research and Methods

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2019

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vol. 28

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issue 1

21-42

EN

In recent years, the quantitative study of conflict has increasingly focused on small-scale and/or localized conflicts in the developing world. In this paper, we analyze and critically reflect upon a major methodological shortcoming of many studies in this field of research. We argue that by using group- or macro-level empirical data and modelling techniques, while at the same time theoretically underpinning observed empirical associations with individual-level mechanisms, many of these studies risk committing an ecological fallacy. The individual-level mechanism on which many studies rely concerns the presence of grievances which mobilize people to participate in contentious politics. This motivational approach was also present in early studies on protest mobilization in Western societies, which often relied on similar research designs. However, subsequent advances in this literature and the use of methods that were targeted more directly at the individual level uncovered that grievances alone cannot explain mobilization and that organizational capabilities and complex psychological mechanisms of belonging also form part of the puzzle. While drawing on conflict events as well as survey data from Africa, we demonstrate empirically that here, as well, inferring micro-level relations and dynamics from macro-level empirical models can lead to erroneous interpretations and inferences. Hence, we argue that to improve our understanding of conflict mobilization in the developing world, especially for conflicts with low levels of violence, it is necessary to substantially expand our methodological toolbox beyond macro-level analyses.

16

Ruch anarchistyczny w Europie w początkach XXI wieku

70%

Malendowicz P.

Przegląd Zachodni

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2013

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issue 1(346)

275-295

EN

The anarchist movement operating in Europe constitutes an element of an international (in composition) and global (in scope) anti-globalization protest. It does not oppose all the aspects of globalization but only those which are discrepant with the goals and values of anarchism formulated already in the 19th century. It co-creates, inspires or participates in such anti-globalization network movements as: No Border, Food Not Bombs, No One Is Illegal, People Global Action, Reclaim the Street, Critical Mass. Above all it opposes economic neo-liberalism and the consolidation of power, this time not just as the institution of the state but also as economic and financial centres.

17

Climate change and the transition movement in Eastern Europe: the case of Czech permaculture

70%

Kolářová M.

Sociologický časopis. Czech Sociological Review

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2020

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vol. 56

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issue 3

363-386

EN

This paper focuses on a grassroots community movement addressing climate change: the transnational Transition (Towns) movement. While this movement has mainly spread to Anglophone countries, it is almost entirely absent from Eastern Europe and the Czech Republic in particular. The aim of this paper is to explain why the Transition movement—a grassroots community initiative—has not been successfully adopted in the post-socialist Czech Republic, and why the issue of climate change has not become an important frame for the local permaculture movement which introduced the idea of Transition to the country. The paper presents an analysis of ideological frames and framing processes of the local movement. Reasons identified for the movement’s absence from the Czech Republic include the fact that it was largely overshadowed by the broader post-socialist transformation in Eastern Europe, that there was little public awareness of climate change and no real culture of community organising in the post-socialist period, and that a strong climate scepticism was promoted by Czech political elites. Other reasons relate to the ideological frames of the local permaculture movement, which is centred more on prognostic and mobilising frames, combined with a positive agenda and an emphasis on practical activities, and revolves around individualised strategies and frames in which permaculture and a nature religion (Anastasian spirituality) are linked to the concept of a ‘family homestead’. The research draws on in-depth interviews with permaculture practitioners, media analysis, the study of documents, and participant observation.

18

Morderstwo nie jest bronią polityczną

70%

Marcuse H., Pluciński P.

Nowa Krytyka

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2011

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issue 26-27

353–355

EN

Article deals with the problem of political strategies of social movements in the sixties, with particular attention to the issue of violence as a strategy of political action. Author tries to resolve the dilemma how violent actions contribute to the weakening of capitalism. Paradoxically they are counterproductive as they strengthen its repressive potential.

19

Teoria Krytyczna Herberta Marcusego, ruchy społeczne i dialektyka "klęski Nowej Lewicy"

70%

Pluciński P.

Nowa Krytyka

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2012

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issue 29

19-31

EN

The article addresses the problem of the relationship between critical theory of Herbert Marcuse and the nature of the New Left social movements that were born in the 60s of the twentieth century. Although the so-called New Left is a broader phenomenon for the purposes of this article we made some simplification, reducing it to anti-institutional, anti-hierarchical, critically-oriented social movements and the counterculture. The article also challenges the widespread myth 3M (Marx, Mao, Marcuse). The paper shows the dynamics of views of "late" Herbert Marcuse, above all portraying him as a thinker entangled in "praxis". It discusses the legacy of the New Left from the perspective of its defeats and victories, finally focusing on the latter. Marcuse himself treated all the struggles started by the New Left social movements with hope, as a prelude to the struggle for a better, more just and – what is the most important – possible world. Not without a reason on the Berlin tombstone of German-American thinker appear the words: Weitermachen!

20

A Rude Awakening: the Underside of Venezuela�??s Civil Society in the Time of Hugo Chávez

61%

García-Guadilla, M. P., Mallén A. L.

Politeja : Pismo Wydziału Studiów Miedzynarodowych i Politycznych Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego

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2013

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issue 2(24): Venezuelan Studies

141-162

EN

Civil Society and social movements have been heralded as vehicles for democratization in Latin America under the assumption that increased citizen participation in the political process could only strengthen democratic culture. After decades of social mobilization, participatory democracy was institutionalized in the Venezuelan Constitution of 1999 endowing Civil Society with unprecedented political powers and effectively legitimizing Civil Society’s incursion into the political. While this institutionalization may have fomented democratic practices; it also unleashed a wave of violent confrontations between pro-Chávez and anti-Chávez forces weakening Venezuela’s democratic culture in their wake. We explore how the ethical principles attributed to Civil Society were undermined by conflicts fueled by polarization and increased citizen participation in the political process.

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