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While Polish migration to the UK has attracted much academic attention, there has been less discussion about the consequences of Polish migrants’ encounters with difference in socially diverse UK contexts. In particular, relatively little has been written about how Polish migrants describe or refer to ‘visible’ difference in terms of ethnicity, nationality, religion, class and gender. This reflects a broader tendency in migration studies to frequently overlook the production and transnational transfer of migrant language. In this article, I explore how Polish post-2004 migrants to the northern English city of Leeds produce ‘the language of difference’ and how this migrant language is passed on to non-migrants in Poland. I distinguish two types of language of difference – the language of stigma and the language of respect. I note that migrants construct both speech normativities through engaging with rhetoric exist- ing in the Polish and/or the UK context as well as through developing ‘migrant slang’ of difference. I further argue that the language of stigma and the language of respect are transferred to Poland via the agency of migrants. The article draws upon a broader study of Polish migrants’ values and attitudes towards difference and the circulation of ideas between these migrants and their family members and friends in Poland. It contributes to emerging debates on Polish migrants’ encounters with difference and social remittances between the UK and Poland.
EN
The aim of this article is to describe a gang subculture that has emerged in a Mexican pueblo and to explain its origin. Explanations which indicate the globalization of culture are insufficient, as long as they leave the question why this certain subculture appeared in pueblo unanswered. The author of the article, using the ethnographic data which she has collected in Mexico, explains that the gang subculture is a social remittance transferred from the U.S. by the migrants. The concept of social remittances introduced by Peggy Levitt seems to be the most suitable explanation due to the migratory character of the community. Migrants from the pueblo under study are connected with their hometown and with other migrants both in Mexico and in the U.S. As a result of sixty years of spatial mobility, the community has turned transnational. In the transnational space of the community, monetary and social remittances are exchanged. The author shows, however, that the concept of social remittances does not lead to explain how an urban subculture could be transferred to a rural community. In order to explain the conditions necessary for a successful remittance, it is crucial to take into account the world-system localization of the places between which the remittances flow and understand life opportunities of the members of a transnational community. In spite of the fact that the community under study is located both in the center and periphery, the youth join gangs, on either side of the state border, due to their discontent and in search of alternative patterns to an oppressive social structure.
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