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1
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Die sozialoekonomischen Determinanten von Streiks in Polen 1945–1948

100%
Chumiński J.
Central European Papers
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2018
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vol. 6
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issue 1
13-36
EN
In the years 1945–1949, there were at least 1,220 strikes in Poland, of which the majority – 73 % – took place in three voivodships: Lodzkie, Silesian and Krakow, and in two industries: mining and textiles – over 56 %. The article presents the socio-economic conditions of strikes, in particular the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics of the workers’ milieu and the intensity of strike actions. The responses of the political authorities and the security apparatus to the strike actions organized by the workers were also taken into account.
2
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Gesellschaftlicher Widerstand: die wirtschaftlichen und politischen Streiks in Polen und im oberschlesischen Industriebezirk nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (1944–1970)

100%
Kaczmarek R., Miroszewski K.
Central European Papers
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2018
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vol. 6
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issue 1
37-57
EN
The backgrounds of workers strikes in the Polish communist era varied, depending on which historical period they were taking place in. In Upper Silesia, their specificity was additionally more acute due the heavy industry concentration in the region and vast numbers of workers. In Polish historiography of the post-1945 era it has become quite common to treat the strikes almost solely as elements of social resistance against the powers that be. What has frequently been overlooked is that social resistance is a broader phenomenon, as a rule defined as any spontaneous, unorganized and unguided protest against an imposed political and/or ideological order, usually bound up with defence of traditional values. Strikes constitute but one part of such protests; what is more, only a segment of them was of a political nature. The authors of the present article analyse the impact that workers strikes which had occurred in Poland’s largest industrial region exerted on the situation of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL). During the 1940s and at the beginning of the 1950s the Upper Silesian industrial region (Polish: GOP) was the centre of the resistance movement. The year 1956, when a special system of privileges and incentives was put forth for workers in the heavy industry sector, marked the end of social strikes in Upper Silesia for nearly two decades, in contrast to what was happening at the time in other parts of Poland. The system is now popularly identified with the figure of Edward Gierek, who was the first secretary of the Polish United Workers’ Party. Gierek’s system can be compared to the Hungarian Kadarism or the GDR model proposed by Erich Honecker which proved quite effective up until the 1980s. Gierek’s model of rule in Upper Silesia differed from governmental strategies in force in other parts of Poland, where due to both a lack of financial means and political willpower it was not possible to build a veritable ‘welfare state’. It was only the 1980 events on the Polish coast that ignited the workers strikes in Upper Silesia and its coal mines and ironworks, quickly spreading to most of industrial plants in the region. Considering the significance of the Upper Silesian industrial region for the whole of Poland, without these Silesian strikes the 1980 success of Solidarity would not have been possible.
3
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Political Prisoners in Poland, 1944–56: The Sources and Strategies of Resistance in the Authoritarian State’s Prison System

86%
Machcewicz A.
Acta Poloniae Historica
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2018
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vol. 118
PL
This article seeks to reconstruct the resistance attitudes and strategies of survival among political prisoners in Poland in the years 1944–56, referred to as the Stalinist period. The introductory section reviews the literature on social resistance in authoritarian political systems, including Poland and covering political prisoners. Subsequently, a definition of ‘political prisoner’ is proposed and the socio-political context of the Stalinist period presented, in which prisons were assigned a strictly repressive function. The present analysis primarily seeks to answer the question whether the conditions in Stalinist prisons offered any room for opportunity to resist the authoritarian power – and, if yes, what sort of experiences and models the convicted resorted to. I also sought to see what forms rebellion against the authority assumed and what was the purpose of the adopted survival strategies. The article is based on documents generated by the Ministry of Public Security’s Prison Management Department and the penitentiary units reporting to it, as well as on memoirs and accounts of former political prisoners.
4
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Dynamic Press Discourses of School Meal Reform in Poland: from Expertise Implementation to Resistance and Rejection

86%
Kopczyńska E.
Polish Sociological Review
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2020
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vol. 209
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issue 1
117-134
EN
The implementation of school meal reform in Poland in 2015 has been withdrawn in because of vast social resistance. The analyses of press discourse in daily newspapers reveals how the critics and resistance has been shaped. The use of content analysis and critical discourse analysis helps to identify how power relations and ideologies connected to the anti-junk-food law has been contested and redefined. The changes were manifested by abandoning healthist framing in favour of construction of new discursive worlds. In the discourse of resistance, cultural food symbols such as hunger and satiety, the ceremonial nature and pleasure of eating, economic freedom and consumer freedom were employed, and the status of taste in consumption among children was highlighted. Historical and cultural context has given the basis for such redefining and provided cultural meanings for undermining expert narrative, which has been reform’s rationale and hegemonising frame.
5
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Protest Slogans of the Snow Revolution in Russia (2011–2012) as an Expression of Peaceful Resistance against the Authorities

86%
Gołębiowska-Suchorska A.
Literatura Ludowa
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2023
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vol. 67
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issue 3-4
17-34
EN
The expression of resistance against the authorities during the street protests of the so-called snow revolution in the years 2011-2012 reached a level of mass creativity and visuality previously and since unrecorded in Russian social life and, despite its lack of success, it is worth attention due to its openness and intensity. During the snow revolution a certain corpus of texts (slogans) was shaped, with repeatability typical for folklore – it was a recurrence of themes, motifs, characters, linguistic tricks, images, textual models. The aim of analyzing selected protest slogans is to showcase contexts that constitute the source of oppositional expression on the textual (slogan on a poster), visual (image on a poster) and object (artifacts) level. The examples of the protest creativity presented in the article prove that verbal, visual and material ways of resistance realized functions typical for political folklore, such as integrating the rebels, mocking the stronger enemy as a defense strategy, unmasking the crimes of the government, and expressing the expectations of the protesters.
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Kobiety w buncie antykolektywizacyjnym w Okole w 1953 r.: wybrane konteksty interpretacyjne

72%
Jarosz D., Miernik G.
Polska 1944/45-1989. Studia i Materiały
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2016
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issue 14
EN
On 28 August 1953 at the village Okół in the Kielce region a rebellion broke out against the delimitation and ploughing with tractors of a large plot of land which was to be farmed jointly within a newly created cooperative. Its participants actively stood up against representatives of the local authorities and supporters of the cooperative. Some of them were beaten up, and the tractors that were ploughing the apportioned plot of land were damaged. The revolt resulted in in arrests, detentions and lawsuits of its most active participants. A special role in this rebellion was played by women, who were attacking the organisers of the cooperative. Research has revealed that this unusually large participation of women in the anti-collectivisation resistance was not only a Polish specificity. Its traditions reach back to the women’s revolts against the creation of cooperatives in the USSR that escalated in 1929–1930. Women were especially active in anti-collectivisation rebellions in some other Eastern European countries after 1948 (Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania). There are among the forms and strategies of the peasant resistance against collectivisation some which were more often used by women than by men. This “gender of the resistance” was expressed by an exceptionally emotional reaction to all the forms and manifestations of the policy against the Church, by the use of religious rituals and their instruments (singing, saints’ images, processions) in the fight against collectivisation, inclinations to use particular tools associated with the role played by women in the rural life. There is evidence to suggest that the authorities were less inclined to victimize women fighting in the revolt than men.
PL
Artykuł zawiera analizę udziału kobiet w rebelii antykolektywizacyjnej, jaka miała miejsce we wsi Okół na Kielecczyźnie 28 sierpnia 1953 r. Na podstawie różnorodnej bazy źródłowej (akta sądowe, dokumenty władz partyjnych, relacje świadków, zebrane przez autorów) poczynione zostały ustalenia dotyczące form kobiecego oporu wobec wydzielania masywu spółdzielczego. Podjęta została również próba umieszczenia buntu okolskiego w kontekście podobnych wystąpień w Związku Sowieckim (na początku lat 30. XX wieku) i w krajach Europy Wschodniej po 1948 r.
7
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The Role of Bishop of Przemyśl Ignacy Tokarczuk in the Rise and Development of the Anti-Communist Opposition in Poland

72%
Jedynak W.
Roczniki Nauk Społecznych
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2022
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vol. 50
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issue 1
37-66
PL
W artykule przedstawiono działalność społeczną biskupa przemyskiego Ignacego Tokarczuka, wpływającą na powstanie i rozwój opozycji antykomunistycznej. W 2006 roku hierarcha został odznaczony przez Prezydenta RP najwyższym odznaczeniem państwowym – Orderem Orła Białego za działalność na rzecz demokratyzacji życia społecznego i obrony praw człowieka. Celem badań było określenie roli biskupa w procesie organizowania i wspierania struktur opozycyjnych, zwłaszcza w południowo-wschodniej Polsce. Eksplorację przeprowadzono w oparciu o analizę wywiadów, wspomnień i opracowań naukowych. Szczególne znaczenie w procesie badawczym miała analiza wywiadów z członkami antykomunistycznej opozycji i duchowieństwem, która pozwoliła opisać i wyjaśnić postawę i zachowanie biskupa wobec ruchu antykomunistycznego. Stwierdzono, że zaangażowanie Tokarczuka w działalność opozycji antykomunistycznej okazało się niezwykle ważne dla funkcjonowania niezależnych struktur na Podkarpaciu, zwłaszcza w stanie wojennym.
EN
This article presents the social activity of Ignacy Tokarczuk, the bishop of Przemyśl, in-fluencing the emergence and development of the anti-communist opposition. In 2006, the hierarch was awarded the highest state decoration-the Order of the White Eagle-by the President of Poland for his work for democratization of social life and protection of human rights. The study aims to determine the bishop’s role in the process of organizing and supporting opposition structures, especially in south-eastern Poland. It relies on the analysis of interviews, memories and scientific studies. Analysing interviews with members of the anti-communist opposition and clergy was of particular importance in the research process, which made it possible to describe and explain the bishop’s attitude and behavior towards the anti-communist movement. It was stated that Tokarczuk’s involvement in the activities of the anti-communist opposition appeared to be extremely important for the functioning of independent structures in the Subcarpathian Region, especially during the period of martial law in Poland.
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Folklorotwórczy wymiar wydarzeń politycznych

72%
Hajduk-Nijakowska J.
Literatura Ludowa
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2023
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vol. 67
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issue 3-4
7-16
EN
The author precedes the presentation of connections between folklore and contemporary events of political character with a precise definition of the term “folklore”. Accepting the conception of Ludwik Stomma, she takes folklore to be a culture of isolation of consciousness that is a part of socially and historically varied cultures. The folkloric message as a traditional form of creation is, on the other hand, an effect of the creative activity of the participants and audience of the given event, making use of both direct and electronic means of transferring messages. As the first example, the author presents the ways of folkloric activity serving to tame the trauma resulting from a catastrophe (flooding) or a terrorist attack. Then, she draws attention to the folkloric context of contemporary demonstrations and strike actions conducted in the public space, which – due to their varied performance – take on the character of a “carnival of resistance” or showcase a bottom-up protest against decisions taken by the government and Parliament. This leads to the formation of not only a commonwealth of emotions, but also a community of information which can exert a significant influence on shaping society’s opinions.
PL
Prezentację powiązań folkloru ze współczesnymi wydarzeniami o charakterze politycznym autorka poprzedza doprecyzowaniem pojęcia folkloru. Akceptując koncepcję Ludwika Stommy, uznaje folklor za kulturę izolacji świadomościowej, która jest częścią kultur społecznie i historycznie zróżnicowanych. Przekaz folklorystyczny, jako tradycyjna forma tworzenia, jest natomiast efektem twórczej aktywności uczestników oraz odbiorców danego wydarzenia, korzystających zarówno z bezpośrednich, jak i elektronicznych środków przekazu, przede wszystkim z mediów społecznościowych. Jako pierwszy przykład autorka prezentuje sposoby folklorystycznej aktywności służącej oswajaniu traumy wywołanej przez kataklizm (powódź) i atak terrorystyczny. Następnie zwraca uwagę na folklorystyczny kontekst współczesnych demonstracji i strajków przeprowadzanych w przestrzeni publicznej, które dzięki zróżnicowanemu performansowi nabierają charakteru „karnawału oporu” lub eksponują oddolny protest wobec decyzji podejmowanych przez rząd i parlament. Prowadzi to nie tylko do powstania wspólnoty emocji, ale również wspólnoty informacyjnej, która może mieć istotny wpływ na kształtowanie opinii społecznej.
9
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Wydawnictwo Dobra Powszedniego (1982–1986)

58%
Knoch K.
Dzieje Najnowsze
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2023
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vol. 55
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issue 1
175-195
EN
The text presents the history of the underground publishing house Wydawnictwo Dobra Powszedniego, created during martial law at Ryjewo in the north of Poland on the initiative of the University of Gdańsk students. Based on archival research and oral accounts, this article presents the origins of the underground publishing house, identifies the places and ways of printing (as well as some of the publications) and describes the distribution system. The text also focuses on the local specificities of this publishing initiative and on related organisational problems.
PL
W tekście zaprezentowano historię podziemnego Wydawnictwa Dobra Powszedniego, które powstało w czasie stanu wojennego w Ryjewie z inicjatywy studentów Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego. Dzięki badaniom archiwalnym i relacjom ustnym udało się ustalić genezę powstania podziemnej oficyny wydawniczej, miejsca i sposoby druku, część tytułów wydrukowanych przez Wydawnictwo Dobra Powszedniego oraz scharakteryzować system dystrybucji. Skupiono się również na lokalnej specyfice inicjatywy i związanych z tym problemów organizacyjnych.
10
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Karierowiczka i egoistka: opór polskich „bezkidek” wobec presji społecznej posiadania dzieci. Analiza przekazów na platformie TikTok

58%
Ryndzionek M.
Kultura i Edukacja
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2024
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issue 1(143)
189-205
PL
Artykuł omawia zjawisko bezdzietności z wyboru w kontekście licznych presji obecnych w przestrzeni społecznej, a szczególnie w przestrzeni Internetu i platform społecznościowych. Jako punkt wyjścia posłużył opis artykułów na temat przeprowadzonych w ostatnim czasie analiz naukowych i badań dotyczących intencjonalnej bezdzietności. Są one skupione głównie na ruchu #childfree na TikToku. Natomiast przeprowadzone przez autorkę badanie obejmuje analizę polskich treści na platformie TikTok dotyczących bezdzietności, w tym metod społecznej stygmatyzacji i zawstydzania osób wybierających życie wolne od dzieci (childfree shaming), jak też strategii obronnych stosowanych przez społeczność bezdzietnych kobiet oraz psychologicznego zjawiska „reguły autorytetu”. Takie podejście badawcze rzuca nieco światła na złożoną dynamikę społeczną wokół decyzji o pozostaniu bezdzietnym lub bezdzietną w obliczu oczekiwań społecznych, oferując istotne spojrzenie na współczesne postawy wobec tej kontrowersyjnej kwestii w społeczności TikToka. W szczególnym stopniu dotyczy to bezdzietnych kobiet, którym przypisuje się niemal obowiązkowo macierzyństwo. Platforma TikTok jest ich przestrzenią szerzenia poglądów i obrony własnego stanowiska.
EN
This article delves into the phenomenon of intentional childlessness within the context of many societal pressures prevalent on he Internet and specifically on the social platforms. It encompasses an exploration of recent scientific research and inquiries into the choice of childlessness, with a focus on the #childfree movement on TikTok. The presented study of an author covers an analysis of Polish content related to intentional childlessness on TikTok, dissecting the methods of social shaming directed at individuals opting for a child-free lifestyle, the defensive strategies employed by the child-free community, and the psychological phenomenon of the “authority rule”. This research approach sheds some light on the complex social dynamics surrounding the decision to remain child-free in the face of societal expectations, offering significant insights into contemporary attitudes towards this contentious topic within the TikTok community. This particularly concerns childless women who are almost expected to embrace motherhood as an obligation. TikTok is their space for spreading their views and defending their own position.
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