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EN
Owing to globalisation, the present process of deep socio-economic and spatial changes undermines the traditional ways of thinking and acting concerning the organisation of urban-rural relations in the face of parallel developments, like suburbanisation and urban sprawl as well as de-urbanisation and degradation of urban areas. The article seeks to elucidate the contemporary discourse on the mutual penetration of landscapes and urban forms in terms of the formation of congruous, balanced urban structures in a historical perspective. In this way it will describe a curve from the urban utopias of the 19th and early 20th centuries through the conceptions of the garden city and the modernist city to those of cities without cities, right to the city, and energy self-sufficient city. As it turns out, the modern ‘utopian’ projects follow the historical line of traditional ideas for the organisation of democratic, consistent and healthy forms of coexistence.
PL
Wskutek globalizacji obecny proces głębokich przemian społeczno-ekonomicznych i przestrzennych kwestionuje zwyczajowe formy myślenia i działania w zakresie organizacji stosunków miejsko-wiejskich wobec równoległych zjawisk, takich jak suburbanizacja i rozprzestrzenianie się miast oraz dezurbanizacja i degradacja obszarów miejskich. Niniejszy artykuł ma na celu przybliżenie współczesnego dyskursu z zakresu regionalizacji miasta i umiastowienia krajobrazu w kontekście tworzenia spójnych i zrównoważonych struktur miejskich z perspektywy historycznej. W ten sposób zostanie zatoczony łuk od miejskich utopii z XIX i początku XX w. poprzez koncepcję miasta-ogrodu i miasta modernizmu aż do ukształtowania się miasta pomiędzy oraz koncepcji prawa do miasta i miast samowystarczalnych energetycznie. Okazuje się, że nowoczesne formy „utopijnych” projektów nawiązują do historycznej linii tradycyjnych idei zmierzających do organizacji demokratycznych, spójnych i zdrowych form współżycia.
EN
According to W. Lutosławski, every nation has its language/tongue, its historical past, but none of these features alone or in whole, does not determine the nation. He notices, that “only an existing national type, the kind of the ego is creating its language, its history and is impersonating the certain race”. The amount of such types is, according to W. Lutosławski, limited and not every people speaking the different language are a nation even if it has the racial distinction/separatness and the political history. His further statement is not entirely understandable, that “the real nation in its being isn’t limited to one planet, but has its representatives in the entire universe, although on the different planets they are not speaking the same language and have a various history”. The language, the race, the history, the custom – they aren’t creating the nation the more so that everyone can speak foreign languages. A nation isn’t the entire mass of people speaking one language but a slim circle of spirits, which are conscious of their separateness amongst the other nations. “The national awareness is an awareness of the existence of the ego fundamentally similar to our ego and whereby differing in the equal way as we do from the other egos we come across”. This way W. Lutosławski seems to be one of the precursors of the researches about the identity, also the national one. A nationality is an outside word of the invisible existence which a nation is, and it won’t be possible to reduce the contacts of the individual with the nation to such elements as language, tradition, custom. So there is/exists a serious difference between the nation and the nationality. The people living at present are only a material for nations. The state, compared with the nation, is a lower-level existence, dependent on time and space The work of Wincentego Lutosławski is located in a current of the Utopian social-political novels of the turning point of the 19th and 20th century. It is worth the attention on the account of the role which, according to this author, the Poles should play after the world war, which burst in four years after publishing this book by him. It is worthwhile noticing the similarity of some, or even a majority, of his political ideas with the views of Polish conservatives. However what must strike the today’s reader is an inconsistency of the arguments of the author, the numerous repetitions, returning to the topics/threads/trains that seemed to be already closed, the lack of historical reflection, not to say factual mistakes in this area. There is no doubt that the philosophical knowledge of Wincenty Lutosławski turned out to be insufficient for making an effort of supporting the framed vision of the future with the historical material. However very interesting are the accurate predictions concerning the growth of industry, the trade, the transport – albeit the current state of affairs still does not fulfill the forecasts of W. Lutosławski.
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