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EN
This article’s aim is to analyze the correlation between the unemployment rate in Poland and political (electoral) behavior. The analysis is correlation. Socio-economic factors continue to play a key role as a determinant of voting behavior. They must, however, be seen in the context of other conditions. There are also shown dependencies in relation to the electorates of individual political parties, which in its programs and activities put diverse emphasis on socio-economic issues.
EN
This paper investigates socio-economic and perceptual factors affecting the likelihood of being a total early-stage entrepreneur in selected EU countries (Denmark, Germany, Finland, Sweden and Latvia) during 2005-2012. The data used for our empirical research comes from Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM). Our findings show that the probability to become a total early-stage entrepreneur increases for males and younger individuals with a bachelor's degree or secondary education and who are working part time or full time. Furthermore, these entrepreneurs are characterised by a lower fear of failure and higher entrepreneurial skills and perception of opportunity. Policy makers should improve the institutional framework that involves measures aimed at empowering potential entrepreneurs in finding new market opportunities. Territorial cooperation in a macro-regional perspective may be a facilitator aimed at entrepreneurial development.
EN
The paper explains the difficulties that have been emerging for the Southern Caucasus regarding these countries’ relationship with and towards the EU. Through the deconstruction of the area’s particularities and specificities, and its framing in the EU’s policy to the region, this paper aims at analyzing the implications of the transition efforts and stability in the area for Europe in general, along with the different roles each of these pieces - Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia - play in the complex strategic Caucasian puzzle.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł poddaje krytycznej analizie główne cechy poszczególnych społeczno-ekonomicznych ram prawnych polskiego i węgierskiego populizmu, w celu ustalenia, czy są one czynnikami świadczącymi o specyfice tych systemów. Zasada równości służy jako schemat teoretyczny przy ocenie obu wizji socjalnych. W oparciu o to kryterium, przy ocenie obu modeli socjalnych pojawiają się zasadnicze różnice, odsłaniając tym samym perspektywę ekskluzyjnego i inkluzyjnego systemu polityki socjalnej. Kolejną zasadniczą konkluzją, jest fakt, że to nie tylko model socjalno-ekonomiczny decyduje o specyfice populizmu w obu krajach, ale jego zręczne zestawienie z argumentami natury kulturowej. Polski i węgierski populizm należy więc definiować przy uwzględnieniu w pierwszej kolejności ram socjalnych, a po wtóre przez pryzmat elementu kulturowego leżącego u podstaw populistycznej retoryki obu krajów. Połączenie kwestii socjalnych z kulturowymi tworzy więc zasadnicze tło populizmu w jego polskim i węgierskim wydaniu.
EN
This article critically examines the main features of respective socio-economic legal frameworks to determine whether they constitute the specificity of Polish and Hungarian populism. The principle of equality serves as a theoretical framework for the assessment of both types of social design. Based on this legal criterion, differences in the social visions of both countries emerge, unveiling the perspective of an exclusive and inclusive social design. However, the conclusion appears that it is not the social-economic model itself that determines the specificity of populism in both countries but its juxtaposition with cultural arguments. Polish and Hungarian populisms are thus defined primarily by social frameworks and secondary by the rhetoric’s cultural component. The combination of social issues with those of cultural kind forms the substantive background of populism in its Polish and Hungarian editions.
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