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1

Odstraszające oddziaływanie kary na sprawcę przestępstwa w świetle badań empirycznych

100%

Szamota-Saeki B.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1995

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issue XXI

7-39

EN

The number of studies on specific deterrence is not large. Some data on this subject can be found in other studies aimed e.g. at evalution of effectiveness of diffrent penal measures, or analysis of criminal careers. One of the reasons of this lack of interest in specific deterrence is a belief, rather common today and particularly marked in the 1960s, that punishment not only fails to deter the convicted person from futher offenses but – quite the contrary - increases the probability of his futher criminal carrer. Another reason is probably the great difficulty in distinguishing for research purposes of the impact of specific deterrence from the other effects of punishment. Unfortunately, a statement made by J. Gibbs over twenty years ago still remains valid: there is no theory of specific deterrence, and the hypotheses concerning specific deterrence are vague and difficult to verify empirically. During the last twenty years, there was a progress in the methodology of research into specific deterrence. New success criteria were introduced into the assessment of deterrent effect of punishment, and the method of random field experiment was used. Researchers started to compare the effect of punishment with the effects of escaning punishment, instead of limiting themselves to comparisons of relative effectiveness of some penalties as opposed to some other ones. The progress was less marked in the formation of the theory of specific deterrence. It consists in attempts, on the one hand, at a new conceptualization of the problem of deterrence, and on the other hand, at integrating the deterrence hypothesis with other theoretical approaches. The paper consists of seven parts. The Introduction (I) contains analysis of the notion of specific deterrence, the criteria to distinguish between specific and general deterrence, tvpes of deterrence. Also discussed have the recent attempts at a new conceptualization of tne problem of deterrence through inclusion into that notion of not only the “direct costs of legal sanctions” but also “indirect costs”, or through the use of another criterion to distinguish between specific and general deterrence. Chapter II contains a brief discussion of early studies on specific deterrence; the findings have been discussed and numerous methodological flaws pointed out. The conclusion from those studies (that severe penalties involve a higher recidivism rate than lenient penalties) was generally seen as a prove that punishment has no specific deterrent effect on the futher behaviour of convicted persons. This conclusion was unjustified, though. And that for several reasons. The discussed studies often failed to distinguish between the mechanism of deterrence and the other effects of punishment. They also failed to solve the problem of selection bias in sentencing where specific types of penalties are imposed on specific categories of offenders; the difference between such groups of convicted persons is that even before the imposition of penalty, the probability of their relapse into crime was different. The studies examined but a marginal effectiveness of some penalties as compared to some other ones. What they overlooked, instead, was that the growth in recidivism rate cannot be estimated which would have taken place were no criminal penalties at all imposed on offenders. Chapter III discusses the findings of studies which tested two opposing hypotheses; i.e. that punishment either deters offenders (deterrence hypothesis) or amplifies offendling (amplification hypothesis). Both the conception of deterrence and that of labeling involve too one-sided and simplified an approach to the impact of punishment on the further conduct of offenders as they ignore the possibility of effects other than the anticipated ones. This was reflected in these studies in which the researches posed instead of posing questions in the categories of “whether” (does punishment deter? does pinishment amplify affending?), instead of trying to define the conditions of emergence of each of those two effects. Analyzed in few studies only were mediating psycho-social processes between punisment and the punished pefsons’ further conduct. The findings of different studies are often inconsistent. Some seem to confirm the amplification hypothesis although researchers sometimes stress that this effect is not stable Other findings point to the effect of deterrence. Still other studies showed that: punishment seems do not influence a pefson’s further criminal career. Finally, some of the latest findings also indicate the possibility of amplifijing offending under some conditions and of deterring effect on offending - under some other circumstances. Chapter IV discusses the implications of the criminal careers approach for methodology of studies on specific deterrence. What is particularly worthy of attention here is: 1) departure from the use of a sole success criterion in the evaluation of deterrent effect of punishment, and an attempt at grasping the impact of punishment on different dimensions of criminality such as the length of criminal career or fraquency of offenses; 2) investigation of the impact of punishment at different stages of a person’s criminal career. The success criterion where success means a person’s abstention from further offenses is replaced with the before and after comparison criterion where the intensity of a person’s criminal career before and after punishment is compared; this replacement is of a great importance in studies of effectiveness of penal measures imposed on chronic offnders. As suggested by the findings, certain penalties may in cessation of delinquency at the initial stage of the criminal career (on the occasion of the first and possibly also the second contact with the police). At further stages of that career, a decrease in the intensity of delinquency of the persons convicted is possible. Chapter V discusses attempts at including the hypothesis of specific deterrence into the economic model of delinquent behawior, and studies carried out by economists. According to some economists, specific deterrence can be included into the theory of rational choice provided it is treated as a special case of general deterrence. In tlis approach, the experience of a sanction becomes a factor influencing the anticipated sanctions. Chapter VI is devoted to discussion of the results of a series of rondom field experiments conducted in selected cities of the United States. The purpose was to evaluate the effectiveness of arrest as compared to other reactions to violence against a spouse (nearly all victims in the study were women). The obtained results were not uniform: in some experiments, deterrent effect of arrest was found out, while the rest showed an amplifying effect of arrest on the arrested person’s further violence against his spouse. The authors explain this divergence of results with a different impact of arrest on different types of persons. Thus the results suggest that arrest has a deterrent effect on permanently employed suspects; instead, suspects without a regular job tended to use violence more often after the arrest incident. The last Chapter (VII) recapitulates the findings. They show that it was a premature decision to reject the hyphothesis of specific deterrence. Punishment has a different impact on different persons: in some situations it results in amplication of offending; in some other ones, it deters a person from further offenses; and in still other situations it seems not to have any effect at all on furter offending. The findings point to a great importance in this respect of the first contacts with the law enforcement agencies. Moreover, the differentiated effect of punishment seems to depend on the offender’s age, sex, and attitude towards risk, and also on his permanent employment. It should be stressed that many studies use a broader definition of punishment, not limited to the penalties imposed by court. Some researchers treat even a person’s contact with the police as punishment; others believe that this function is performed by arrest. These different working definitions of punishment make it difficult to interpret the findings that relate to absolute deterrence, that is assessment of the effects of imposing punishment as compared to those of escaping punishment. Nearly all studies dealt with recidivism and, first and foremost, the effectiveness of punishment in reducing a person’s further delinquency. To a slight extent only did they try to define the meaning of punishment for those punished, their subjective estimations of probability and severity of punishment. For this reason, interpretation of the findings in the categories of stating whether punishment has a deterrent effect is not always justified.

2

Wnioski wynikające z badań

100%

Batawia S.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1974

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issue VI

108-127

3

Sprawcy przestępstw i wykroczeń systematycznie nadużywający alkoholu

100%

Szelhaus S., Łojko E., Batawia S.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1974

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issue VI

15-123

EN

The printed elaborations, in this part of the Archives, contain the re sults of research conducted by the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences anfddeal with three categories of people: ‒ 564 offenders were qualified as having committed acts of hooliganism in Warsaw, in 1964, in an inebriate state, acts combined with physical aggression on people unknown to the offender; further delinquency of these offenders is checked during the course of eight years; ‒ approximately 900 who were in 1967 charged with “disturbance of public peace or indecent behaviour in a public place,, (Art. 27, decree on fighting alcoholism); out of a random sample of 300 delinquents charged with these offences, information was obtained regarding their further appearances in court (Penal Administrative Commission) for the period of five years (till the end of 1972), arrests by the police while intoxicated and court convictions; ‒ 500 men and 250 women, listed in detoxication centres at least three times (women twice), during the period of over 5 and a half years till the second half of 1970, about whom information was gathered, regarding also other arrests by the police while intoxicated, ending up in the detoxication centre, as well as information about their court convictions; with part of the cases information was obtained about the follow-up period of the investigated during the years 1971-1973. The above-mentioned three categories were taken into account, because research was to embrace only those offenders who while committing the offence were intoxicated. These examinations were to reveal the dimensions of heavy drinking and of their delinquency. Research conducted by the Department of Criminology so far which took into account alcoholism, dealt with people, mainly from among young adult and adult recidivists marked by serious social degradation. Efforts were made to find out whether and since when they were drinking alcohol to excess and to what extent they were alcoholics. Taken into account was the category of recidivists, revealing symptoms of alcoholism. This research concentrated on various individuals where one actually could expect the possibilities of frequent or systematic heavy drinking, but in regard to whom no information was available regarding the frequency of deviations in the behaviour of the investigated under the influence of alcohol, as well as data about their delinquency, neither its intensification nor the type of offences committed. Despite the fact that it was impossible in the studies presented here to conduct individual psychological and medical examinations, or environmental research, nevertheless the collected large amounts of material seem to enable us to get an idea about the phenomenon of a large scope and social significance. Together with the increase in excessive drinking of alcohol in many countries there also emerges the category of people having conflicts with the penal code while intoxicated and of people charged with disturbance of public peace. There are relatively few studies of this large population, committing as a rule minor offences. Initiating such research the Department of Criminology, Institute of Legal Sciences, Polish Academy of Sciences intended above all to find out how often various categories of persons, committing typical offences connected with drunkenness, are “problem drinkers” with intensified symptoms of deviations in behaviour and how many of them have already to be considered alcoholics. Such findings can be most significant when planning campaigns, aimed at revealing at an early stage cases requiring the interference of institutions set up to fight alcoholism, in order to prevent in such a way the spreading of certain offences and crimes.

PL

Publikacja posiada następującą strukturę: Wstęp I. Stanisław Szelhaus: Sprawcy przestępstw o charakterze chuligańskim II. Elżbieta Łojko: Sprawcy wykroczeń o zakłocenie spokoju publicznego w stanie nietrzeźwym III. Stanisław Batawia: Osoby niejednokrotnie przebywające w izbie wytrzeźwień IV. Stanisław Batawia: Wnioski wynikające z badań

4

Sprawca przestępstwa oszustwa asekuracyjnego – spojrzenie kryminologiczne

100%

Buczkowski K.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2008

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issue XXIX-XXX

81-92

5

Rola kobiet przy porwaniach rodzicielskich w świetle wyników badań aktowych. Sprawczynie czy pokrzywdzone przestępstwem?

89%

Dajnowicz-Piesiecka D.

Czasopismo Naukowe Instytutu Studiów Kobiecych

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2017

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issue 2(3)

140-154

PL

We wszystkich państwach świata kobiety znacznie rzadziej popełniają przestępstwa. Niniejsze opracowanie ma na celu weryfikację tego twierdzenia na gruncie przestępstwa porwania rodzicielskiego, czyli takiego porwania dziecka, którego dokonuje jego matka bądź ojciec. Artykuł przedstawia informacje o tym czy kobiety w kontekście porwań rodzicielskich są częściej osobami pokrzywdzonymi czy raczej sprawczyniami tego typu czynu zabronionego, jak również prezentuje wybrane sytuacje faktyczne opisane na podstawie poddanych badaniu aktowemu spraw karnych o przestępstwo określone w art. 211 kodeksu karnego.

EN

In all countries all over the world the world, women are less likely to commit crime than men. The following study aims at verifying this assertion on the grounds of the criminal offense of child abduction, which is understood as the abduction of a child by his mother or father. The article provides information on whether women, in the context of parental abductions, are more likely to be victims rather than perpetrators of this type of offense. It discusses selected factual situations described on the basis of criminal cases referred to in Art. 211 of the Criminal Code.

6

Sprawca przestępstwa (zarys problematyki)

88%

Ostrihanska Z.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1991

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issue XVII

41-74

EN

The paper shows various approaches to the perpetrator of crime, and practical consequences of the specific point of view adopted. The object is not to point to ready solutions or to declare for or against the discussed views, but to give an outline of the variety of problems that concern the person of offender, and to mention the related questions and issues. Discussed have been the general theoretical problems related to the person of offender; psychological problems; those arising from the fact that the offender has been made subject of criminological research; and the problems of the image of offender functioning in public opinion. Whether we formulate criminological theories or adopt definite practical solutions, questions cannot be avoided about the offender as a human being, about his rights, the extent of his freedom and responsibility, his relationship with society, and the limits of a just and permissible intervention in those rights and liberties. The problems mentioned in this relation point to the need for the problems of offender to be considered in a broad philosophical perspective based on a moral reflection. The discussion of psychological problems is focused on two issues. The first of them are the psychological conceptions of man which provide explanations of the offender’s criminal behaviour and lead to conclusions as to the treatment of offenders. Those problems have been exemplified by behaviourist and psychoanalytical ideas and the conception of humanistic psychology. Another important psychological problem is whether the offender’s behaviour that violates the legal norms results from his personality traits or has been conditioned by the situation in which he found himself. Studies point to complexity of this problem and to the fact that both personality and situation influence criminal behaviour. At the same time, some individuals are particularly resistant and others particularly susceptible to situations conducive to that behaviour. There are also situations in which an offence is particularly easily committed. Among them, there are the rapid changes found during great historic events and social transformations, as well as the situations, most and sotimes even extremely difficult, created by socio-political systems. In some offences, situation is a most important factor; in others the offender’s personality plays a greater part. This complexity of the problem should be taken into account when deciding about a given offender in the practical operation of criminal justice. The image of offender obtained in criminological studies of convicted persons is connected with a variety of problems. Some of tchem arise from the very definition of offender. It is a most general notion, related to the legislation in force in a given country at a given moment, and designating perpetrators of a great variety of acts which may result from different situations and psychological mechanisms. A question arises whether a single act, possibly jus an episode, may really constitute a good criterion to distinguish a given individual from others who have not committed such an act: whether that act is an isolated event only or results from the given person’s way of living. What also matters for the picture of a convicted offender obtained in studies is the process of selection to which he had been subjected before the offence was revealed, criminal proceedings instituted, and the offender convicted. A factor essential for that selection, for decisions concerning the offender, and for his readaptation to life in society after release is the stereotype of offender which functions in public opinion. As shown by studies, that stereotype is shaped by fear and the thirst for revenge on a person who is perceived as a threat but at the same time treated as a distant stranger. A condemnation of certain acts makes the Public realize the noxiousness of those acts and shapes moral attitudes. But the condemnation of acts does not have to lead to a similar disapproval of their perpetrators. It is most necessary to conduct criminological research and to provide society with straightforward information about the findings.

7

Cudzoziemcy – sprawcy przestępstwa przekupstwa na terenie Polski

75%

Rzeplińska I.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2016

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issue XXXVIII

175-189

EN

By the end of 2013, some 60,0000 citizens of EU Member States, and 121,000 third- -country nationals, holders of Polish residence permits, were registered in Poland. The aggregate number of foreign nationals who currently reside in Poland amounts to 0.5% of the country’s own population. Among the EU citizens, the most numerous are German, Italian, French, British, Bulgarian, and Spanish nationals. Among the non-EU nationals, the largest proportion of residents comes from Ukraine, Vietnam, Russian Federation, Belarus, China, Armenia, Turkey, India, USA, and South Korea; the Ukrainians making up by far the most populous group among them (i.e. 31% of all third-country nationals residing in Poland). Crime rate among foreign residents in Poland as gleaned from the police statistics on foreign offenders spanning 2004–2012 makes it clear that foreign suspects constitute ca. 1% to 0.43% in 2012 of the total number of suspects investigated. In the course of nine years, these crime dynamics (i.e. officially disclosed crime rate among foreign nationals in Poland) appeared to decline. In total, foreign nationals suspected of committing crimes in Poland come from of 61 countries, with EU citizens accounting for 1/3 of them, the remaining 2/3 originating from the third countries. The overall picture of offences perpetrated by foreign nationals in Poland in the period spanning 2004–2012 reveals some telltale characteristics of their prevalent structure. Firstly, a negligible proportion of human crime offences, secondly, a high proportion of specific crimes, e.g. driving while under the influence of alcohol or drugs, whereupon, in the absence of a human victim, the only ‘aggravated’ party is the public order, and thirdly, a growing rate of foreigners suspected of having committed an offence against the credibility of documents. In the police statistics, foreign nationals suspected of committing offences under Articles 228, 229 and 230 of the Polish Penal Code make up 3.4% of all foreign suspects. Foreign nationals suspected of committing the offence of bribery under Article 229 of the Polish Penal Code, the actual subject matter of the study addressed in the paper, are foreign nationals convicted by Polish courts of law. Ninety-six criminal cases of bribery, originating in 2008–2013, which ended in convictions for foreign perpetrators, were randomly selected for the study. The issues of interest were as follows: the profiles of convicted foreigners, accompanying circumstances, general aetiology of the bribery offences committed by foreigners, the bribe recipients, convictions actually secured in a court of law against the perpetrators, and the types of punitive measures applied. Foreign nationals – perpetrators of bribery offences across Poland, originated from 17 countries. 81.3% of the studied population was made up of Ukrainians (41.7%), Belarussians (22.9%), Lithuanians (9.4%), and Russians (7.3%). Single cases were perpetrated by the citizens of Kazakhstan, Turkey, Sweden, Bulgaria, Romania, Latvia, China, Slovakia, Vietnam, Armenia, India, Czech Republic, and Germany. Men prevailed – ca. 10% of those convicted of bribery were women. The most numerous were perpetrators aged 32–40, while the remaining number of offenders was almost equally split amongst the following age brackets 41–50, 22–30, and 51–63 years; the oldest offenders being the least numerous. Two occupational groups clearly predominated: drivers and construction workers. Nonetheless, the perpetrators also included police officers, doctors, nurses, an office worker, and a teacher. The recipients of financial gains, i.e. those to whom the bribes were either handed out or offered, were police officers (48.9% of cases), border guards (31.3%), and customs service officers (15.6%). Individual cases comprise handing out a bribe to an official at the Registry Office (in connection with arranging for a fictitious marriage), public transport ticket inspector, and state railway security service officers. In the cases under study, two places for handing out bribes have been identified, i.e. border crossings (40.6% of cases) and public highways (51% of cases), where traffic police officers are offered material gain. In the vast majority of cases, it was money (amounts ranged from PLN 50.00 to over PLN 1,000.00). Every third perpetrator, a foreign national, was under the influence of alcohol when offering the bribe. The study of foreigners convicted of bribery in the years spanning 2008–2013 identifies two situations in which acts of corruption take place. The first one, driving under the influence of alcohol. Handing out material benefits to a traffic police officer, usually money, is intended to dissuade him from imposing a substantial fine, or from instigating criminal proceedings (prosecution), and consequently from an imposition of a ban on driving motor vehicles by a court of law. The other one, handing out financial benefits to Border Guard or Customs Service officers. When analysing the explanations provided by the perpetrators of bribery, how they tried to rationalise their attempts to corrupt public officials (the police, border guards, customs service officers), the investigators found that it all seemed to stem from a different legal culture in the societies they come from, i.e. a culture of open disregard for the law, public morality in which everything can be ‘sorted out,’ even if it means that the perpetrator effectively evades criminal liability. A public morality in which both parties, a public official and a citizen, conspire to circumvent the law. I am therefore inclined to brand the social background of origin of the 80% of foreign nationals convicted of bribery in Poland as ‘corruption-spawning communities,’ where in the relationship between a citizen and a government agency official it is perfectly natural to offer/accept a consideration for ‘sorting things out.’ Foreign nationals charged with bribery, except for a single case of conditional discontinuance of the proceedings in progress, were sentenced to fines and other punitive measures. A conditionally suspended term of imprisonment prevailed, followed closely by a fine. Apart from the actual penalties, the courts also applied selected punitive measures, such as driving bans, cash considerations, forfeiture of items originating directly from the offence, forfeiture of items actually used, or intended for use in the perpetration of an offence. Immediate custodial sentence was imposed in three cases, i.e. in convictions for several offences, such as bribery, driving under the influence of alcohol, and assaulting a public official.

8

Mediacja między pokrzywdzonym a sprawcą przestępstwa jako forma rozwiązywania konfliktów

63%

Kruk M.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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2008

|

issue XXIX-XXX

837-851

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1 Buczkowski K.

1 Dajnowicz-Piesiecka D.

1 Kruk M.

1 Ostrihanska Z.

1 Rzeplińska I.

1 Szamota-Saeki B.

1 Szelhaus S.

1 Łojko E.

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Odstraszające oddziaływanie kary na sprawcę przestępstwa w świetle badań empirycznych

Wnioski wynikające z badań

Sprawcy przestępstw i wykroczeń systematycznie nadużywający alkoholu

Sprawca przestępstwa oszustwa asekuracyjnego – spojrzenie kryminologiczne

Rola kobiet przy porwaniach rodzicielskich w świetle wyników badań aktowych. Sprawczynie czy pokrzywdzone przestępstwem?

Sprawca przestępstwa (zarys problematyki)

Cudzoziemcy – sprawcy przestępstwa przekupstwa na terenie Polski

Mediacja między pokrzywdzonym a sprawcą przestępstwa jako forma rozwiązywania konfliktów