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UPROWADZENIE LUB ZATRZYMANIE MAŁOLETNIEGO ALBO OSOBY NIEPORADNEJ W ŚWIETLE DANYCH STATYSTYCZNYCH KOMENDY GŁÓWNEJ POLICJI

100%

Dajnowicz D.

Przegląd Policyjny

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2016

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vol. 1(121)

187-197

PL

Problemem szeroko dyskutowanym medialnie są w ostatnim czasie uprowadzenia i zatrzymania małoletnich, w szczególności takie, które popełniane są przez rodziców (tzw. porwania rodzicielskie). W wielu przypadkach zachowanie tego rodzaju wyczerpuje dyspozycję art. 211 kodeksu karnego, który określa odpowiedzialność karną za uprowadzenie bądź zatrzymanie osoby małoletniej poniżej 15. roku życia albo osoby nieporadnej ze względu na stan psychiczny lub fi zyczny. Częstotliwość podejmowania wskazanej tematyki w dyskursie medialnym oraz wymiar prawnokarny tego zagadnienia posłużyły autorce tekstu za naukową inspirację do omówienia go przez pryzmat statystyk policyjnych udostępnionych przez Komendę Główną Policji, które stanowią jedno z podstawowych źródeł wiadomości na temat przestępczości ujawnionej (obok statystyk sądowych i penitencjarnych). Informacje o zdarzeniu, które spełnia kryteria uprowadzenia lub zatrzymania małoletniego bądź osoby nieporadnej, w pierwszej kolejności zgłaszane są policji i dlatego wiadomości kompletowane przez tę formację stanowią wyjątkowo bogate źródło informacji o postępowaniach przygotowawczych, przestępstwach oraz podejrzanych o popełnienie czynu zabronionego. W niniejszym artykule skupiono się na statystykach policyjnych dotyczących porwań małoletnich albo osób nieporadnych oraz związanych z tym zdarzeniem wszczętych postępowań przygotowawczych, jak również stwierdzonych przestępstw. Co istotne, pojęcia „postępowania wszczęte” i „przestępstwa stwierdzone” stanowią tym samym jednostki obliczeniowe, którymi operuje się na gruncie statystyk policyjnych dotyczących występku uprowadzenia lub zatrzymania osoby małoletniej poniżej 15. roku życia albo osoby nieporadnej.

2

Dynamika zjawiska zamachów samobójczych wśród dzieci w Polsce w latach 2010–2020 w świetle policyjnych danych statystycznych

86%

Omeljaniuk J.

Forum Polityki Kryminalnej

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2021

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issue 2

1-19

EN

This study is devoted to the analysis of the statistical data of the National Police Headquarters for 2010–2020 regarding suicide attacks committed by children in Poland. Two research methods were used in the study. The leading method was the analysis of statistical data. The method of analyzing selected literature on the subject was also used. The aim was, above all, to attempt to characterize the dynamics of the phenomenon of suicide attacks among children in Poland in 2010–2020 in the light of police statistical data. The considerations were based on the analysis of data on age groups, the reasons for the suicide attacks in the form of school problems and the category referred to as “information about learning / work – student”. These data were analyzed in terms of the number of non-fatal suicide attacks and those in which they occurred.

PL

Niniejsze opracowanie poświęcono analizie danych statystycznych Komendy Głównej Policji za lata 2010–2020 dotyczących zamachów samobójczych popełnianych przez dzieci w Polsce. W opracowaniu posłużono się dwiema metodami badawczymi. Wiodącą była analiza danych statystycznych. Użyto również metody analizy literatury przedmiotu. Celem było przede wszystkim podjęcie próby charakterystyki dynamiki wspomnianego zjawiska. Rozważania oparto na analizie danych dotyczących grup wiekowych, powodu zamachów samobójczych w postaci problemów szkolnych oraz kategorii określanej jako „informacje o nauce/pracy – uczeń”. Dane te analizowano pod kątem liczby zamachów samobójczych niezakończonych zgonem oraz tych, w których do niego doszło.

3

Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1970-1974 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie

81%

Mościskier A., Syzduł E.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1976

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issue VII

287-328

EN

The publication compiles data from police records on the offences cleared up in Poland in 1970-1974 and the persons suspected of them. In view of the legislation changes that have taken place in Poland in the meantime, a comparison of the data presented now with those of 1965- 1969 and published in volume five of the Archives of Criminology is very difficult. In Poland since 1970 a new Penal Code has been in force and since 1972 a Contravention Code. On the basis of the latter some petty offences (to which a theft of a property worth less than 500 zlotys was included) were recognized as petty misdemeanours.

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Przestępczość w Warszawie w 1992 r. (Analiza Statystyczna)

61%

Gruszczyńska B.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1994

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issue XX

137-153

EN

This work contains a statistical analysis of crime in Warsaw in 1992 based on the data on crime recorded by the Warsaw Police Headquarters. Changes in the dynamics, structure, and spatial distribution of crime in the years 1988 to 1992 are shown in accordance with the city’s basic administrative division into 17 districts.Territorial differentiation of crime in areas subordinated to the separate police stations (47) is shown in figures and maps of rates and changes in crime in 1992 as compared to 1991. Separated because of their specific nature are typical big city areas, neighborhoods of railway stations and the airport, as well as suburbs. Changes in crime recorded in Warsaw in 1989‒1992 were relatively much greater than those found on the national scale. An exception here was the year 1990 when a similar growth in the proportion of recorded offences took place both in Warsaw and Poland – by 64% and 61% respectively as compared 1989. After a rapid growth of recorded crime staring in 1989, a downward trend began in 1991 at a pace that was higher in Warsaw than all over Poland. In 1992, the crime rate (mean numbers of offences recorded yearly per 100 thousand of the population of a given area) in Warsaw was 2.3 times higher than the national average which was a drop as compared to 1990 and 1991 when the indices were 2.7 and 2.6 respectively. Changes in the extent of crime in the separate districts of Warsaw in 1989‒1992 have been depicted by chain indices of dynamics. The values of those indices manifest considerable differences in the changes in crime between the separate districts, and occurrence of opposing trends in succeeding years. The districts that had the greatest growth in crime in 1990 (Mokotów, Ochota, Praga Południe, Żoliborz) showed the greatest drop next year (1991). A similar trend could be found in 1992 in the districts of Praga Północ and Śródmieście (an increase, relatively high as compared to the other districts, followed by the greatest decrease). These findings may evidence both “displacement” of real crime, and the impact of other factors related to the activities of the police and public prosecutor’s office (in the spheres of both crime prevention and control, and the methods of recording offences). As shown by analysis of the rates and structure of crime in the separate disricts of Warsaw, the different areas of the city are much differentiated in this repect. In 1991 and 1992, differentiation of the rates crime was three times higher as compared to 1990. The highest crime rates could be found in Śródmieście – 10265.1, and Praga Północ – 6145.5; this resulted, among other things, from concentration of economic life and a high mobility of the population in those districts which stay busy for twenty-four hours a day. The lowest mean crime rates were found in Mokotów (3664). The next stage of statistical analysis of crime recorded by the police in Warsaw consists in the presentation of the territorial differentiation of crime in the areas of operation of the separate police stations. Differentiation of the crime rates was very high, ranging from 1,700 offences per 100 thousand of the population recorded at the 3rd station to 27,559 recorded at the 17th station (in Śródmieście district). At the same time, as was the case with crime analysed by city districts, a reverse trend of the changes in rates and intensity of crime could be found. In some areas which, admittedly, had the relatively lowest crime rates in 1992, there was a relatively high growth in crime as compared to 1991. In Śródmieście district, despite the drop in crime in 1992 as compared to 1991 (which was the highest at the 17th station ‒ by 31% and the lowest at the 26th station – by 8%) the crime rates per 100 thousand of the population proved among the highest. This may confirm the thesis as to “displacement” of crime. On the other hand, it may also result from different relations between the extent of real crime and that of recorded offences. What speaks for these latter conclusions are the results of regression and correlation analysis which manifest a significant correlation between the rates of recorded crime in general and offences against property: thefts of private property and breaking and entering of private buildings where the “dark numer” is high. Therefore, the distribution of crime in Warsaw is determined by offences against property where evaluation of the numer of undetected offences is particularly difficult. As follows from the police data, the clearance rate of crime in Warsaw was differentiated according to both type and site of the offence. The highest mean clearance rate was found in Ochota district (27.5%), and the lowest in Praga Północ (16.3%). The probability of successful detection was highest with respect to traffic offences (0.93) and lowest in cases of breaking and entering (0.05). Clearance rate was highly differentiated (57%) in the case of car burglaries. The relatively highest probability of detection was found in Wola district (0.16), the lowest ‒ in Żoliborz (0.033) and Śródmieście (0.038). The probability of detection of offences against persons in Warsaw in 1992 was about 0.6 (e.g. 60%), and against property – several per cent. The differentiation of both the dynamics and structure of crime in the separate districts of Warsaw and in areas of the separate police stations within the districts again confirms the thesis as to existence of areas that are particularly threatened with crime – the crime-generating areas. On the other hand, this differentiation suggests a large and indefinite numer of unrevealed or unrecorded offences. The present analysis, part of a study on the state of safety in Warsaw initiated by the Superintendent of Warsaw Police and the Major of Warsaw, confirmed the need for improving the data gathering system, securing the continuity of data, and the use of computer data carriers.

5

Obraz przestępczości w Niemczech oraz w Polsce w okresie transformacji ustrojowej (wybrane aspekty)

61%

Kury H., Krajewski K., Obergefell-Fuchs J.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1996

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issue XXII

7-41

EN

Among the negative side-effects of the fall of "Realsozialismus" in Central and Eastern Europe and the process of political, social and economic transformations initiated in 1989 there was a deterioration of internal safety in those countries. According to a popular opinion, this was manifested, among other things, by a growth - a rapid one in many instances - in the extent and intensity of crime, and also in negative changes of its structure which consisted in a particularly fast growth of tle most serious crime or emergence of its new and very dangerous forms, hitherto unknown in those countries. From this viewpoint, criminological literature in all those countries without exception has recently been presenting an extremely pessimistic picture of a growing threat of crime which can at any moment get out of control. As a consequence, fear of crime is growing in societies involved, and appeals can be heard more and more often from politicians that “law and order” be instituted. The present paper does not aim at negating either the growth of crime in post-Communist societies itself or the negative changes of the structure of crime. It is our aim first of all to compare the state of crime that follows from the two basic modern sources of information on this area, that is oflicial statistics of crime and victimization surveys, and to point to some related problems. The analysis is limited to two countries, Germany and Poland. Concerned in the former case is, of course, mainly analysis of phenomena found in the new federal lands of united Germany, that is the territory of former GDR, but also consequences of the union for the state of crime in Germany as a whole. One of the basic problems posed by analysis of extent, intensity and dynamics of reported crime, that is crime recorded in oflicial statistics in countries of Central and Eastern Europe, is reliability of statistical data from the period of “Realsozialismus” which serve as the point of departure of all comparisons. The growth in reported crime in the territory of former GDR has indeed been dramatic after 1990; yet the point of departure for comparisons involved here are GDR police statistics which showed the extent of reported crime as 10% of that in “old” FRG. Today, German criminologists agree that GDR crime statistics were regularly “improved” for ideological and political reasons, the real extent of crime being much higher there. Similar problems can be found in Poland where a rapid growth in reported crime took place only once in principle, that is in 1990. Later on, the extent of reported crime became stabilized at the new level “established” in 1990. It is highly improbable that the impact of social and economic reform on crime in Poland was limited to a “big bang” in 1990 and then ceased. Also here, we dealt rather with a specific statistical artifact and not with a single rapid growth in the extent of crime. What also speaks for this thesis is the fact that crime used to be “under-recorded” in police statistics in Poland as well through a policy of extremely selective reception by the police of information about offenses. Abandonment of this practice after 1989 resulted in a serious growth of recorded crime. Appraising the dynamics of reported crime in Central and Eastern Europe, one should also bear it in mind that the growth in crime there not necessarily followed the breakdown of “Realsozialismus”. In many countries, former USSR in particular, the growth in crime actually preceded change. Also in recent years, Central and East-European statistics have by no means been showing a constant and rapid growth in reported crime. There were rather fluctuations (if quite rapid at times), followed by a recent downward trend in some of the countries involved. Still another important problem is comparison of the extent of reported crime in post-Communist and in developed Western societies. Discussing the “flood” of crime in Central and Eastern Europe, one tends to forget that in most cases, the actual extent of crime in the region is still much lower than in most countries of Western Europe. Comparison of the situation in Germany and Poland may serve as an example here. I ulated. As far as possible, the state of crime in post-Communist societies should also be appraised on the basis of sources other than the official statistics. Helpful here can be first of all data from victimization surveys, alas still a rarity in Central and Eastern Europe. Yet basing on available data for Germany and Poland (chiefly from the International Crime Survey of 1992) it can be stated that victimization surveys show an extent of real crime much higher than the one that follows from official statistical data. This means a very high dark number of crime in Poland and elsewhere in the region, caused probably by the people’s very low tendency to report facts of victimization to the police. At any rate, from data on victimization it follows that the extent of real crime in Poland is higher as compared to Germany. This is not to say, though, that crime in Poland “breaks all the records”. With some exceptions concerning chiefly offenses against property such as theft and pickpocketing, Poland has an average extent of crime judging by European “standards'” in this respect. Basing on data from victimization surveys, also the territorial differentiation of the extent of crime in Germany and Poland can be analyzed. The basic problem in Germany is the noticeable difference between southern and northern lands, the latter having a much higher extent of crime, and also the process of the new lands “catching up” with or even “outstripping” the old ones in this respect during the last five years. Quite distinct regularities can also be found in Poland; some of them are known from earlier literature. Thus first of all, there is a noticeably higher extent of crime in Western and Northern Territories of Poland and a low extent in Wielkopolska region. It is interesting to correlate those regularities with selected demographic and socio-economic data on individual regions of the two countries. In Germany, unfavorable values of those indices found in the north of “old” FRG and in former GDR are rather explicitly correlated with a higher extent of crime. In Poland where territorial differentiation of the indices is less distinct, some regularities in this respect can nevertheless be found, too. At the samo time it seems, though, that the extent of crime in Poland is the highest in regions where, due to specific local features, the social costs of reform are the greatest and most painful.

6

Przestępczość w Rzeszowie w latach 1990-1995

61%

Tuziak B.

Archiwum Kryminologii

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1996

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issue XXII

149-163

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1 Dajnowicz D.

1 Gruszczyńska B.

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1 Kury H.

1 Mościskier A.

1 Obergefell-Fuchs J.

1 Omeljaniuk J.

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UPROWADZENIE LUB ZATRZYMANIE MAŁOLETNIEGO ALBO OSOBY NIEPORADNEJ W ŚWIETLE DANYCH STATYSTYCZNYCH KOMENDY GŁÓWNEJ POLICJI

Dynamika zjawiska zamachów samobójczych wśród dzieci w Polsce w latach 2010–2020 w świetle policyjnych danych statystycznych

Przestępstwa stwierdzone w latach 1970-1974 oraz osoby podejrzane o ich dokonanie

Przestępczość w Warszawie w 1992 r. (Analiza Statystyczna)

Obraz przestępczości w Niemczech oraz w Polsce w okresie transformacji ustrojowej (wybrane aspekty)

Przestępczość w Rzeszowie w latach 1990-1995