Nowadays, the politicians’ behavior is a matter of interest not only for political scientists but also economists. Conducted analyses are mostly based on formal models. Although the created models are imperfect, they have an important element of a positive analysis. The purpose of this article is to present selected voting models and their conclusions for election strategies. This article discusses three models: median voter model, probabilistic voting model and a model of partisan politics. The first model is widely known concept and is treated as an introduction to the characteristics of the next two models. Two further models are now frequently used concepts in political economics, which tries to explain the behavior of politicians and its influence on the society and economy. If it is possible to determine the preferences of the median voter, the politicians will behave opportunistically and adapt programs (economic policy) to the voters. There is a complete convergence of election programs. In opposite situations (preferences of the median voter cannot be determined) divergence of election programs may appear.
The article presents the electoral strategies adopted by political parties, which formed the foundation the foundation for the party rivalry during the campaign for the European Parliament in Poland in 2014. Although the EP elections are not popular among the voters, their result was important for the future political competition. First of all, the election results showed the weakness of the political projects that have arisen as a result of a split from Civic Platform and Law and Justice parties and fragmentation on the left hand side of the political scene. On on the other hand, the unexpected “black horse” of the election was the far-right formation founded by Janusz Korwin-Mikke. This unquestionable success was caused by the rise of anti-European movements, voters’ apathy and support for anti-establishment initiatives by young voters.
Przedmiotem rozważań w niniejszym artykule są podsycające strach narracje stosowane w strategii politycznej przez kongresmenkę Marjorie Taylor Greene reprezentującą stan Georgia. W wyniku analizy źródeł, takich jak materiały wykorzystywane w kampanii wyborczej, propozycje ustawodawcze i komunikaty prasowe za pomocą metody analizy treści, w artykule zidentyfikowano trzy podstawowe narracje bazujące na poczuciu strachu, wykorzystywane przez tę polityk: zagrożenia dla kraju, zagrożenia dla swobód i zagrożenia dla dzieci. Badaniem objęto również wpływ działań obliczonych na szerzenie strachu w strategii wyborczej Greene i jej sukces w 14. okręgu kongresowym Georgii, znanym z konserwatywnych poglądów. W artykule podejmuje się próbę uzyskania wglądu w dynamikę współczesnego dyskursu politycznego w Stanach Zjednoczonych i jego potencjalne konsekwencje poprzez zrozumienie skuteczności strategii podsycania strachu.
EN
This paper examines the fearmongering narratives employed by Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene from Georgia in her political strategy. By analyzing sources, such as campaign materials, legislative proposals, and press releases through a content analysis method, the paper identifies three primary fear-based narratives this politician uses: threats to the country, threats to freedom, and threats to children. Moreover, the impact of fearmongering in Rep. Greene’s electoral strategy and its success in Georgia’s 14th congressional district, known for its conservative leanings, are also explored. By understanding the effectiveness of fearmongering, this research sheds light on the dynamics of contemporary political discourse in the United States and its potential consequences.
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.