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EN
In connection with the planned construction of the Wrocław bypass in the years 2006-2008, the Rescue Archaeological Excavation Team of the Wrocław Branch of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnology of the Polish Academy of Sciences, carried out rescue excavations at the Site 10/11/12 in Domasław. The most sensational results were obtained during the excavations of the cemetery of the population of the Lusatian culture, above all from the early phase of the Iron Age, the period when the image of the material culture of this community changed fundamentally. This is showed by the construction and grave goods of nearly 300 Hallstatt chamber graves, containing more than 50 luxury graphite-treated and painted pottery vessels, decorations, toiletry sets, tools, bronze vessels and weapons. At the cemetery, a fragment of a bronze sword’s blade was discovered in a grave dated to the IV/V period of the Bronze Age and seven iron and one bronze sword in the Hallstatt graves, undoubtedly imports from the north-Atlantic manufacturing centre. Metallurgical analyses of bronze artefacts may indicate the Alpine origin of the raw material, they also testify to the small qualities of iron swords for the purposes for which they were intended. In one case, the meteorite origin of the raw material was proved. The fact that swords were put to the graves together with the dead, certainly distinguished the individuals and showed their social position. In the light of many premises obtained during the excavations at the cemetery in Domasław, the sources are a confirmation of contacts, already mentioned in the literature, with the Mediterranean civilization, mainly through the Hallstatt cultures.
PL
Walory oręża podnosić miało m.in. sygnowanie, przy czym zabieg ten znajdował rozmaite realizacje: od umieszczenia pojedynczego piktogramu do złożonych układów w postaci napisów, ciągów literowo-znakowych lub bardziej złożonych motywów ornamentacyjnych, niekiedy o charakterze narracyjnym. W artykule zwrócono uwagę na możliwości interpretacji umieszczanego na głowniach mieczowych symbolu w kształcie “W”, niekiedy określanego w literaturze przedmiotu także jako “omega” “haftka”, “podkowa” czy “kabłączek skroniowy”. Zebrano informację na temat 32 mieczy, na których zidentyfikowano w sposób mniej lub bardziej pewny znak “W” (Polska – 7 egz., Finlandia – 5 egz., Niemcy – 4 egz., Rosja, Holandia – po 3 egz., Estonia, Anglia – po 2 egz., Białoruś, Czechy, Francja, Irlandia, Norwegia, Słowacja – po 1 egz.). Nie wykazują one tendencji do koncentrowania się w jakimś wybranym rejonie Europy, aczkolwiek większość z nich używana była w pasie północnoeuropejskim, grupując się przede wszystkim wokół wybrzeży Morza Bałtyckiego i Północnego. Analiza typologiczna wykazała znaczne zróżnicowanie formalne omawianego zbioru. Zwracają również uwagę szerokie ramy czasowe, zamykające się w przedziale VIII–XI w., przy czym większość okazów pochodzi z X–1. poł. XI w. Znak “W” znajduje się z jednej strony głowni, przy czym występuje on tam jako samodzielny (pojedynczy lub podwojony) motyw, ewentualnie w zestawie z innymi symbolami, bądź też w większej liczbie. Najczęściej mamy do czynienia z układem horyzontalnym dwóch zwróconych ku sobie zakończeniami “W”, pomiędzy którymi znajdować się mógł inny symbol, na ogół krzyż. Zdarzają się też konfiguracje bardziej złożone. Omega posiada dużą wymowę symboliczną w sferze religijnej, zwłaszcza w kręgu kultury chrześcijańskiej. Wyobrażenie jej na mieczu, zwłaszcza w połączeniu z krzyżem, wolno z dużym prawdopodobieństwem uznać za odnoszącą się do Boga symboliczną formę inwokacji, mającą sprowadzić na walczącego tak sygnowanym mieczem łaskę i ochronę Pańską. Intencją uwidocznienia tej sygnatury na głowni mogła być także chęć zamanifestowania przynależności religijnej posiadacza oręża. Z drugiej jednak strony należy liczyć się z magiczną wymową omawianej sygnatury, niezależną od pierwotnej intencji jej zastosowania. Niewątpliwie więc kwestia interpretacji “W” wymaga dalszych pogłębionych studiów, zmierzających do ustalenia, co stało się impulsem do sygnowania głowni mieczowych właśnie w ten sposób oraz jakie były uwarunkowania historyczno-kulturowe pojawienia się rozpatrywanego znaku na mieczach i dalsza jego recepcja.
EN
Abstract: Results of the metallurgy study on three, two-edged swords from a cremation burial ground in Czelin, representing the Pompeii, Lachmirowice-Apa and Vimose-Illerup types indicate a variability in the material used as well as in technique of their production, and thus in the quality of the specimens. Two of them were made of a single piece of metal with low (specimen of the Lachmirowice-Apa type) or medium quality (specimen of the Pompeii type). A much higher level of craftsmanship is represented by the third sword of the Vimose-Illerup type, precisely forged from several pieces of diverse, high-quality material, representing the so-called pattern welding technique.
XX
This study is devoted to four early medieval swords stored in the National Museum in Szczecin. The paper is a continuation of the weapon collection from the Szczecin Museum presentation, with first part published recently (Klimek, Kucypera, Kurasiński, Pudło 2011). All swords presented here were posted before, but, thus far, bereft of detailed formal, chronological and technological analyzes. The oldest presented specimen was found in Smołdzino, Słupsk District. No detailed location of the find is known, apart from the fact that it was uncovered by sand from a dune. It is preserved as a few pieces coming from a broken blade. Another two swords were also preserved partially, both with almost completely missing blades. They are most probably stray finds from the River Oder near Szczecin. The last, youngest specimen, is a loose find from Złocieniec, Drawsko District. The Smołdzino sword has been dated to the 2nd half of the 8th–half of the 10th centuries, however, it has to be noted that the technique in which its blade was forged (piled/sandwitched) does not allow to completely rule out the possibility of the sword’s earlier (La Tène period) metric. First of the Oder (Szczecin) swords has been classified as the younger type X by Petersen and dated to the 10th–half of the 11th centuries. The second specimen has been identified as Oakeshott’s type ?,B,3 and Geibig’s Kombinationstyp 15-III. It has been linked with the period of the 10th–beginning of the 12th centuries. Both specimens picked from the Oder River had blades forged by welding cutting-edge rods into central core pieces. Their lower guards and pommels (with, possibly, one exception) were formed from single homogeneous billets of iron. By far, the best preserved sword was the one from Złocieniec, classified here as type XI,E,1 by Oakeshott and Kombinationstyp 19 (hilt) and 10 (blade) by Geibig. In view of the presented analogies, it has been fixed to the chronological frame of the 12th–beginning of the 13th century. Unfortunately, due to external factors, no materials examination has been carried out on this weapon.
EN
The article examines selected swords from high medieval and late medieval period (the 11th–13th century and 14th–15th century respectively) from the territory of the former State of the Teutonic Order in Prussia which are currently stored in the Malbork Castle Museum as well as in other collections, and a group of seven medieval swords from the National Museum in Szczecin. Apart from typological and chronological issues, also signs, inscriptions on swords and their decoration were examined. In many cases, they allow for linking the discussed objects with the devotional and religious sphere, which is particularly important in the context of crusades led by the knights of the Teutonic Order and their West-European companions against the pagan Balts. The paper also presents analogies of “crusade swords” from other parts of Europe. Based on the analysis of the signs on the sword blades possible production centres have been specified.
PL
Artykuł prezentuje wybrane znaleziska mieczy z okresu pełnego (XI–XIII wiek) i późnego (XIV–XV wiek) średniowiecza z terenów dawnego Państwa Zakonnego w Prusach, które przechowywane są obecnie w kolekcji Muzeum Zamkowego w Malborku i w innych zbiorach, a także zespół siedmiu mieczy średniowiecznych ze zbiorów Muzeum Narodowego w Szczecinie. Obok zagadnień typologicznych i chronologicznych szczególną uwagę zwrócono na kwestie znaków, inskrypcji i zdobień na mieczach. W wielu przypadkach pozwalają one na powiązanie omawianych egzemplarzy ze sferą dewocyjno-religijną, co jest szczególnie istotne w kontekście wypraw krzyżowych prowadzonych przez rycerzy zakonu niemieckiego i ich zachodnioeuropejskich gości przeciwko pogańskim Bałtom. W pracy zostały także wskazane analogie mieczy „krucjatowych” z innych części Europy. Analiza znaków na głowniach mieczowych dała podstawę do wysunięcia przypuszczeń na temat możliwych ośrodków produkcji.
EN
In the late 16th century two interesting individuals made substantial contributions to the relatively new genre of the autobiography. In 1595 Bartholomäus Sastrow (1520–1603), a north German burgher, notary, diplomat, and eventually burgomeister of the Hanseatic City of Stralsund, penned his life story. Benvenuto Cellini (1500–1571), goldsmith, soldier, musician and famous Renaissance artist from Florence, wrote his memoir between 1558 and 1563. Though they were born twenty years apart, both men had similar backgrounds. Both were from the lower-middle strata of society but rose to high status, both were widely traveled and directly acquainted with the most powerful individuals of their time (as well as some of the most lowly) and both experienced firsthand some of the most dramatic and important political and military events of the mid-16th century. Amidst a backdrop of war and severe religious conflict, Sastrow, a German and a Lutheran, traveled to Italy, and Cellini, an Italian Catholic, travelled through Germany to France. This allows us to see each region from both a native and an outsider’s perspective. Both men participated in or were witness to numerous incidents of social violence and warfare during their lifetimes, as described in detail in their memoirs. These accounts give us an opportunity to examine the depiction of incidents of social violence by people who witnessed or participated in them first-hand, allowing us to contrast these episodes with the principles of self-defense as portrayed in the fightbooks. We can also compare these personal anecdotes with documented written and unwritten rules governing dueling, fighting, and the carrying of arms. This will help grant us further insight into the reality of personal armed conflict in the era of the fightbooks, and improve our understanding of their context and meaning.
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