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EN
The purpose of this article is to describe the relationship between parliamentarism and the social teaching of the Catholic Church, with a special emphasis on pastoral, social and political activities of cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha. The system of parliamentary government is a system of government in which the legislative authority in the form of parliament passes laws and controls the executive authority, which is wielded by the president together with the government. An important aspect of this system of government is the interpenetration of these two authorities and their mutual complementing, which is evident even in the possibility of bringing forward bills by the executive. The view of the parliamentary system held by cardinal Adam Stefan Sapieha was based on the social attitude which was represented by the Christian Democrats. The political system accepted by the Christian Democrats was democracy, which very clearly demonstrates all positive forms of local government’s actions and the principle of subsidiarity. The basis of this assumption is that it is on the lowest levels of society where the common good based on social solidarity can be realized. The Archbishop of Krakow perceived the political, social and economic issues through the prism of the Catholic Church. He believed that the task of the state is to protect society against the moral decay of anti-Christian totalitarian systems. According to Sapieha, the state should act as a servant in relation to the nation. The Metropolitan claimed also that the vision of the relationship between social ranks, contrary to the socialist vision, was not burdened with a conflict. Sapieha saw the danger of drastic social inequality, but definitely spoke out against socialist and communist solutions. The cardinal emphasized the accent which should be laid on the development of all forms of civic government. So the ideal state is a decentralized state, in which citizens, due to rights and activities taken up by themselves, have an influence over the governments. According to Sapieha, a democratic state of law should respect political pluralism based on the principle of subsidiarity and justice, as well as sovereignty, and above all – the principle of parliamentary majority.
EN
In the article the First Turkish Grand National Assembly, operating in Ankara between 1920 and 1923, is discussed. The legal status of this organ in the light of its first legal acts of 1920 and the Constitutional Act of 20 January 1921, as well as organization of the executive power and main lines of political divisions within the parliament are examined.
PL
Polski model władzy wykonawczej zakłada istnienie dwuczłonowej egzekutywy, w której rząd jest silny konstytucyjnie przyznanymi mu kompetencjami, natomiast władza pre-zydenta legitymizowana jest jego wyborem dokonywanym w głosowaniu powszechnym. Sytuacja taka tworzy pole konfliktów pomiędzy najwyższymi organami władzy. War-to wiec rozważyć celowość dokonania w przyszłości zmian w polskim modelu ustrojo-wym i wprowadzenia do systemu ustrojowego modelu rządów wzorowanego na niemiec-kim systemie rządów kanclerskich.
EN
The Polish executive governance model assumes the existence of a two-part executive, in which the strength of the government lies in its constitutional competences and the power of the president is legitimized by his being selected in general elections. Such situation creates a space for conflict between the highest authorities. It is therefore worth to consider the desirability of making changes in the Polish governance model in the future and introducing into the system of governance a model based on the German system of chancellery governance.
PL
Porażka jest wszechobecną i główną właściwością życia społecznego. Niemniej jednak większość badań socjologicznych koncentruje się nie na porażce, ale na sukcesie. Niniejszy esej przyjmuje sceptyczne podejście do teorii socjologicznej, wyjaśniając konieczne ograniczenia analizy socjologicznej i broniąc idei prymatu porażki na dwóch frontach: po pierwsze, przez badanie podejścia socjologicznego obecnie rozwijającego się wokół Foucaultowskiej idei rządności; po drugie, przez bardziej ogólne filozoficzne rozważanie na temat powiązania między porażką a praktykami rządzenia lub kontroli.
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