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Umění (Art)
|
2022
|
vol. 70
|
issue 4
383-405
EN
This article maps the emergence of feminist consciousness among Czechoslovak women artists, placing its emergence in the late 1960s as part of the culmination of the reform process in Czechoslovakia. Gender policy was revised in this period and expert discourse came to understand women as a particular social group with its own needs and interests. Although the Czechoslovak art scene produced no collective feminist movement, the author argues that artists arrived at feminist positions individually, influenced by the socio-political debates of the time, including discussions on gender equality. The artists did not directly participate in these discussions, but they were certainly aware of them, as gender was a central topic in the press and helped to propel the political processes of the time. The article further explores the relationship of the local art scene to political engagement in art and to the “Western” feminist movements emerging at the end of the 1960s. The author draws on the writings of the art historian Milena Lamarová and artworks by Eva Švankmajerová, Nadězda Plíšková, and Zorka Ságlová, examining the political perspectives that informed the feminist positions these women assumed in their work.
CS
Autorka se v článku zabývá vznikem feministického vědomí československých umělkyň, který klade do konce šedesátých let minulého století jako součást kulminace československého reformního procesu, v němž se revidovala genderová politika a ženy byly v rámci expertního diskurzu nově chápány jako specifická sociální skupina mající vlastní potřeby a zájmy. Ačkoli na místní umělecké scéně nedošlo ke kolektivní politizaci umělkyň ve smyslu určitého hnutí, autorka argumentuje, že se jednalo o individuální feministické přístupy jednotlivých umělkyň, které byly ve svých pozicích ovlivněny dobovými politicko-společenskými diskuzemi. Argumentačně článek zasazuje pozice jednotlivých umělkyň do kontextu těchto diskuzí o genderové rovnosti, které sice neprobíhaly na místní umělecké scéně, ale staly se jedním z hlavních témat dobového tisku a akcelerovaly tehdejší politické procesy. Článek se dále zabývá vztahem místní umělecké scény k politické angažovanosti v umění a její možné informovanosti o „západních“ feministických hnutích, rodících se na konci šedesátých let. Cílem článku je ukázat texty historičky umění Mileny Lamarové a výtvarná díla Evy Švankmajerové, Naděždy Plíškové, Zorky Ságlové jako výsledky jejich feministické pozice a určit, v jaké politické perspektivě byla ukotvena.
EN
The 50th anniversary of the Prague Spring is marked in 2018. Today, the events of 1968 retain their significance for relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The subject of the research is the impact of the events of the Prague Spring in 1968 on current relations between Russia and the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. The author analyzes in detail the key causes and consequences of the Prague Spring, as well as the current state of Russian-Czech and Russian-Slovak relations in conditions of anti-Russian sanctions.Analyzing the role of the attitudes of modern Czechs and Slovaks to the events of 1968, the author concluded that for the citizens of the Czech Republic and Slovakia, they are more historical. Condemning the entry of Warsaw Pact troops into Prague, Russia closed this chapter in its relations with the countries of the former Czechoslovakia. At the same time, the Czech Republic and Slovakia, becoming separate countries, overcame the problems in their relations in the 20th century.The article demonstrates that the deterioration of bilateral relations between Russia and the Czech Republic and Russia and Slovakia is due not to unsatisfied historical claims, but to the general cooling in relations between Russia and the EU and the policy of sanctions. Today, Prague and Bratislava are forced to balance between Brussels and Moscow, seeking to ensure their national interests, which for the Czech Republic and Slovakia are inextricably linked with both the European Union and Russia.The novelty of the research lies in the study of relations between Russia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia through the prism of the evolution of their cultural and historical determinants. Thus, the author used the case study method and content analysis in his research. The theoretical basis of the research was the works of both Russian and foreign authors. The practical basis of the study was data from sociological surveys conducted in the Czech Republic and Slovakia in recent decades, as well as the evidence of eyewitnesses of the events of the Prague Spring.
PL
1968 is a very controversial date these days. I start my research about 1968, by looking at 1967 first. Why? Because this congress was almost an exact projection of what happened during the Prague Spring, however, more was said there. The writers there were discussing the big questions, about a whole country and the destiny of a nation. Therefore, the importance of Kundera’s speech is quite significant. Havel, Vaculík, Ivan Klíma all gave politically important speeches. Regarding poetic power, Jan Skácel seemed especially strong. Even though Hrabal was not present, we have to give him some credit as well. Not only the positive, but also the negativeside of 1968 was predicted. Mainly the Communist Party’s attempt to intervene. The Czech Spring of 1968 wasnot a student-movement, but a struggle by middle-aged and mature intellectuals, mostly against what they hadinstigated in their youth. So this was an exceptionally self-critical revolution.
EN
The article analyzes reform processes of 1968 in Czechoslovakia, which became known as the Prague Spring. Attention is focused on the influence of the ideals and ideas of the Prague Spring on the public opinion in the German Democratic Republic, Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary, Romania and Yugoslavia. The author is not absorbed in the complexity of the development of the internal political situation and the peripetia of the dialogue between the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and other “fraternal” parties under the Warsaw Pact, stopping only on a general overview of the social reaction of Central and South-Eastern Europe. It was shown that the leadership of the countries of a socialist commonwealth did not basically share the aspirations of the Czechoslovak people for democratic change, “making socialism a human face”, there by trying to prevent them from spreading in their countries. The conclusions state that attempts to democratize in Czechoslovakia often had a double effect on neighboring countries, showing the difference in the position of society from the official doctrine of state structures. Recognizing the interconnection of events in the countries of the Eastern bloc, the international community hoped that the success of the Czechoslovak reforms would change the existing restrictive policies and lead to positive democratic changes in their countries. With the introduction of the troops of the socialist community in Czechoslovakia on August 21, 1968, a democratic demonstration was stopped by force. The international community condemned the invasion. Although the Prague Spring was suppressed by the troops of the USSR, the GDR, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, it became a symbol of attempts at democratic change. The ideals of the Prague Spring, namely the possibility of uniting socialism with democracy and civil rights, deeply rooted in the consciousness of the active public in Central and South-Eastern Europe states.
EN
The article sheds the light on the key reasons for the aggravation of the Slovak national issue in ČSSR on the eve of the Prague Spring 1968. Particularly, a great attention is paid to the policy of “approaching” of the peoples, the asymmetric model in Czech-Slovak state and legal relations, the low level of economic development of the Slovak lands. The idea of “convergence” of the Czechs and the Slovaks, combined with the voluntarist tendencies in the ideology and political practice of the socialist country, gradually began to approach a peculiar, communist interpretation of the political “Czechoslovakism” from the interwar period. In the framework of the policy of “convergence” of peoples in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s, there was a process of centralizing all institutions that still retained formal independence in Slovakia. The initiative to eliminate the last remnants of Slovak self-government came personally from President A. Novotny and led to the complication of Czech-Slovak relations in the state. In 1967, in the field of view of the leadership of the Communist Party of Slovak Republic, in addition to the national, there were also socio-economic issues. This was due to the fact that the restructuring of the Slovak economy, which envisaged the economic and social equalization of the Slovak lands with the Czech regions of the country in the second half of the 1960’s, did not bring the expected results. Slovak national issue in 1967 was stressed. This fact accelerated the formation of the reformation wing in the ruling communist`s party. Its representatives were strongly against the policy of А. Novotný. Therefore, the course on the democratization of the society was declared. The regulation of the Czech-Slovak state and legal relations by means of reformation of the country on the federal basis was announced. Communist reformers, led by O. Dubchek, recognized that the equality of Czechs and Slovaks had damaged by the asymmetry of the state system. Thus, the “Program of Action of the Communist Party of Czechoslovak Republic” advocated the development of a federal system, which was considered the best state legal form of coexistence of equal peoples in one socialist state.
EN
The article is devoted to the analysis of the M. Kundera and V. Havel polemics over the fate and fortunes of the Czech ethnical identity, Czechoslovakian nationhood and ways of Czechoslovakian society development after the August, 1968. This polemic, together with the Prague Spring reflection, caused broad resonance, and some of its statements are still timely. The acceptability of the paradox of Havel being a spokesman of „the Czech lot” while at the same time being its critic in the polemic was proven.
EN
The paper concentrates on selected passages from Uwe Johnsonʼs opus magnum, Jahrestage (Anniversaries), in which the Prague Spring and the events of 1968 play a key role, and develops some ideas on how narrations of history and critique of language can jointly (as a translation of sorts) be understood as a critical approach to what is taken to be the present and the reality of the past. It is argued that Hannah Arendtʼs notion of the unpredictability of the future and of the event variously influenced the modalities of narration as employed by Johnson. The central issue of Jacques Derridaʼs Prague lecture on how a city determines ‘our’ modes of (self-)preception and how a location can be grasped and ‘dated’ in writing is put to use in order to develop a singular perspective on some neglected aspects in Johnsonʼs work. Johnson’s novel and its commentaries nils plath 179 form a diverse reflection on time, reality, and the media which can affirm its contemporaneity when understood as exemplary in contesting, by the voice of literature, the functionalization of history and its narrative.
CS
Článek probírá vybrané pasáže z hlavního díla Uweho Johnsona Jahrestage, v němž významnou roli hrají události „pražského jara“ v roce 1968, a zamýšlí se nad možností chápat historická vyprávění a kritiku jazyka společně (v překladu sui generis) jako kritický vztah k takzvané současnosti a k realitě minulosti. Článek ukazuje, jak jsou způsoby vyprávění, jichž Johnson využívá, ovlivněny pojetím nepředvídatelné budoucnosti a události u H. Arendtové. Klíčové téma pražské přednášky Jacquesa Derridy — jak město determinuje „naše“ vnímání a sebevědomí a jak lze při psaní uchopit a „časovat“ lokalitu — tu je využito k získání přístupu k některým opomíjeným aspektům Johnsonova díla. Johnsonů román a komentáře k němu podávají vnitřně rozmanitou reflexi o čase, skutečnosti a médiích, reflexi, která osvědčí svou současnou platnost, pokud ji vnímáme jako exemplární, hlasem literatury přednesené zpochybnění funkčního přístupu k dějinám a vyprávění o nich.
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