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The issue discussed in the article falls within the area of historical policy. The past is an important field of political rivalry and building collective memory, it allows political circles to influence attitudes and behaviors in order to consolidate and build collective consciousness. The significance and effects of the Round Table have been disputed for thirty years. In the article the basic division lines and ways of using the symbolism of past events in the political struggle are presented and evaluated. The political elites’ attitude to the Round Table varied and depended on two issues: the place in the structure of state power and attitude to the Third Republic of Poland on the one hand, and the needs arising from current political rivalry on the other. These motivations prevented developing a fairly uniform view and message about the Round Table, which translated into a losing the narrative on the beginning of systemic transformation in Central and Eastern Europe by the Poles. For the “world” the upheaval in this part of Europe began with the fall of the Berlin Wall, and not with the struggle of “Solidarity” ended with the formation of the government by Tadeusz Mazowiecki.
EN
The goal of the article is to present the scope of interventions by the Regional Offices for the Control of Publications and Performances in the Catholic press during the decline of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) and the first months of the Republic of Poland, i.e. between January 1989 and April 1990. Initial censorship was a period which preceded the Round Table talks while final censorship ended with the abolition of censorship, i.e. the passing of the act (11 April 1990) on the liquidation of the institutions for the control of publications and performances. The source material for the article were the files of the Main Office of Control of Press, Publications and Shows stored in the Archives of New Records.
EN
The goal of the article is to present the scope of interventions by the Regional Offices for the Control of Publications and Performances in the Catholic press during the decline of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL) and the first months of the Republic of Poland, i.e. between January 1989 and April 1990. Initial censorship was a period which preceded the Round Table talks while final censorship ended with the abolition of censorship, i.e. the passing of the act (11 April 1990) on the liquidation of the institutions for the control of publications and performances. The source material for the article were the files of the Main Office of Control of Press, Publications and Shows stored in the Archives of New Records.
EN
The assessment of the Round Table was extraordinarily stable. The political environments accepting the Polish Third Republic, taking part in ruling the country, are generally positive about the talks between the government of the Polish Third Republic and the opposition. In 2014, even the representatives of “Prawo i Sprawiedliwość” (Law and Justice) party maintained the opinion from the previous years, formulated by Jarosław Kaczyński and Lech Kaczyński, that the Round Table, as a tactical action, was a necessary undertaking at that time in history. The negative assessment of the event were characteristic of non-parliament parties and ones with small social support. The following anniversaries of the start of the debate were a good opportunity to mark one’s difference from the establishment by negation. Change of the assessment was a result of the evolution of the situation in Poland. Hard political fight in the Polish Third Republic caused a change of positions e.g. with regard to former political opponents or even enemies. The verbal change of position of W. Frasyniuk towards gen. Jaruzelski can only be explained with the attack of the Jarosław Kaczyński establishment on the politicians of the Democratic Union and Freedom Union. The environments reluctant to PiS for the same reasons forgot that the government led by Tadeusz Mazowiecki could only take place because of the activity of Jarosław Kaczyński. Many of the evaluations, both on the side of the Round Table architects and its opponents had no connection to the subject of the proceedings.
EN
On the one hand, the Round Table is a historical event, because it took place in 1989; on the other hand, however, it may be regarded as a current one, as it was referred to by politicians in various contexts in 2017, with reference to the reform of the administration of justice in Poland. In an attempt to justify the changes postulated by the political group of the United Right, Deputies spoke of the need to overcome the provisions of the Round Table regarded as the source of pathology and inability to create a well-functioning system of the administration of justice. It is interesting to note that some of the politicians, scholars and journalists taking part in the debate on the judicial reform in Poland played an important role at the Round Table, as participants of law and court reform workgroup. The purpose of the article is to answer the title question: Stagnation or change?, taking into account such key issues as the importance and manner of creating the law, understanding the rule of law, institutional guarantees of the rule of law.
EN
The institution-legal model of the chair of the President of PPR, designed within the Round Table understanding, was characterised by a strong regime position and many competences, among which an important part took a shape of prerogatives. An important role in shaping the political profile of the one-man head of state was played by political decisions, in light of which this organ was supposed to be given to a representative of a communist party and as a consequence serve to control the transformations in a country, as well as keep the alliances and international commitments. In the catalogue of fourteen ruling and independent competences a special role has been played by the right to present the parliament with commissioning and decommissioning the leader of the Councils of Ministers, a right that has been used by gen. Jaruzelski twice during his presidency. In the light of the factorial decisive analysis, the personal choices of the president, made in the conditions of the increasing political crisis, were dictated by trying to secure the interest of the government-coalition camp, but with regard to the newly accepted rules of political rivalry. The president saw a key role for his home party in the initiated process of political and economic changes, but did not try to preserve the political monopoly of the communist party, and in consequence to keep a part of the opposition from ruling. He was led by a need to achieve social support for the reforms and aimed at realising it with the workflow created for the decisive situations, the immanent part of which was splitting responsibility to other subjects and creating multipersonal decisive centres.
EN
A modification of Polish political system without undermining the predominant role of Polish United Workers’ Party was declared in the resolutions of the Round Table agreement. However, the election of June and following agreement between “Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats changed this situation. The coalition between “Solidarity”, United People’s Party and Alliance of Democrats was above all realistic and played a key role in the process of transition from authoritarianism to democracy.
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