Pope Benedict XVI’s recent encyclical, Caritas in Veritate, calls for businesses to play a role in authentic human development. One of the pope’s ideas is for firms to pursue both profits and the common good with equal fervor. This article categorizes possible types of such hybrid firms and explores the institutions necessary for promoting them. It suggests that a robust civic space, careful attention to tax policy, and an emphasis in business education on social entrepreneurship would promote the formation and growth of hybrid firms. Further work is necessary to quantify the optimal distribution of profits of these firms among their respective stakeholders.
One of the key problems of the modern world is the entrance onto the path of sustainable development, where in theory, the concept of sustainable devel-opment implies steady progress on economic and social in harmony with the natural environment, to ensure a high quality of life for present and future gen-erations. Thus, this article raises the question of how a man, and more broadly: the progress of humanity, is the starting point and also the point of arrival of this concept? For ambivalence (which can easily be noted here), creates a varie-ty of dilemmas, which opens a new field of discussion in various disciplines, including philosophy, and bioethics. One of them (speaking more in detail) is whether the concept of sustainability in the matter of human development and environmental protection means the same as the Aristotelian principle of “golden mean”? The answer, which is given, is negative. The author proposal: is the need to assimilate the principle of the “golden mean” in the framework of the concept of human development and environmental protection. This will be her love for the human person, discovered in a free and flawless conscience.
This article provides a map of the three-element conceptual set of the common (the common good, the commons, and the common) in reference to higher education. It does so using a method of political ontology. It discusses the three concepts in reference to the six dimensions of higher education reality (ontology, politics, ownership, governance, benefits, and finance). Thus, it not only presents a systematic view of higher education reality as seen through the lenses of the common but also explains the substantial (and in some cases, subtler) differences between the concepts themselves. Moreover, it addresses briefly the differences between the concepts from the order of the common and those from the order of the public. Finally, the article seeks to offer an insight into what this particular conceptual set may provide the researchers in terms of thinking through, and designing an alternative to the current predicament of higher education.
PL
Niniejszy artykuł dostarcza mapy trzyelementowego zestawu pojęciowego z porządku tego, co wspólne (dobra wspólnego, dóbr wspólnych oraz tego, co wspólne) w odniesieniu do szkolnictwa wyższego. Robi to przy pomocy metody ontologii politycznej. Omawia powyższe trzy pojęcia w odniesieniu do sześciu wymiarów rzeczywistości szkolnictwa wyższego (ontologii, polityki, stosunków własności, zasad ładu akademickiego, korzyści oraz finansowania). Tym samym nie tylko przedstawia systematyczne ujęcie szkolnictwa wyższego widziane przez pryzmat tego, co wspólne, ale również wyjaśnia istotowe (a niekiedy subtelne) różnice między samymi pojęciami. Co więcej podejmuje również zwięźle kwestie różnic między pojęciami z porządku tego, co wspólne, a tymi z porządku tego, co publiczne. Wreszcie, artykuł stara się udzielić wglądu w to, co ten konkretny zestaw pojęciowy może zaoferować badaczom w zakresie myślenia i projektowania alternatywy dla szkolnictwa wyższego w jego dzisiejszym kształcie.
The subject of this article is to present the principle of the common good and attempt to define the concept of the common good in the jurisprudence of the Polish Constitutional Court. Although the principle of the common good is the supreme constitutional principle, the Constitutional Tribunal has not worked out one definition of the common good. The Constitutional Tribunal invokes the concept of the common good in particular directly as the right or one of the reasons justifying the restriction of freedom and constitutional rights or as an axiological basis for the reasons for restricting constitutional freedoms and rights. The Constitutional Tribunal for the resolution of individual cases only supports the concept of the common good.
The constitutional concept of the common good is the reason for the existence of public authorities. Administration performing state functions should serve the needs of citizens. An adequate selection of the staff who carry out state functions is a condition for a well-functioning administration. The selection is particularly important in the case of tax administration, a key link in the system of public revenue collection. The aim of this article is to analyse the weaknesses of Poland’s tax administration system. Such weaknesses have an influence on establishing professional staff. Accordingly, the core hypothesis in the article is that staff recruitment based on objective criteria is essential for the effective performance of tax administration tasks. Particular attention was paid to the rules of filling positions of directors and deputy directors of tax chambers, tax offices, and tax control offices. The quality of staff’s work depends, after all, on the competence of people occupying these positions. In accordance with the hypothesis, the bigger the influence of political, not substantive, factors on the process of filling positions and the weaker the guarantee of stable employment are, the bigger the extent is to which employees succumb to political patrons’ suggestions, and the more difficult it is for them to resist political pressure. In the case of tax administration, all these factors (taking into consideration changing, complicated, and unclear tax laws; regulations hindering tax law interpretation; and political pressure to increase budgetary income) may have negative consequences for tax-payers.
PL
Zawarta w Konstytucji zasada dobra wspólnego stanowi istotną rację istnienia władz publicznych. Administracja wykonująca funkcje państwa winna służyć dobru obywateli. Warunkiem prawidłowego funkcjonowania administracji jest właściwy dobór kadr realizujących zadania państwa. Jest on szczególnie istotny w przypadku administracji skarbowej, stanowiącej kluczowe ogniwo systemu gromadzenia dochodów publicznych. Cel artykułu stanowi analiza słabości systemu administracji skarbowej w Polsce, mających wpływ na kształtowanie profesjonalnej kadry urzędników. W artykule postawiono tezę, że zasadnicze znaczenie dla właściwej realizacji zadań administracji skarbowej ma oparta na obiektywnych kryteriach rekrutacja kadr. Szczególną uwagę poświęcono zasadom obsadzania stanowisk dyrektorów i wicedyrektorów izb skarbowych, naczelników urzędów skarbowych i ich zastępców oraz dyrektorów i wicedyrektorów urzędów kontroli skarbowej, od kompetencji osób, które je zajmują zależy bowiem jakość pracy urzędów. Zgodnie z przyjętą hipotezą, im większy jest wpływ czynników politycznych, a nie kryteriów merytorycznych na proces obsadzania stanowisk i im słabsze są gwarancje stabilnego zatrudnienia, w tym większym stopniu pracownicy skłonni są ulegać sugestiom politycznych patronów i tym trudniej jest im oprzeć się politycznym naciskom. W przypadku administracji skarbowej, przy dużej zmienności, złożoności i niejasności prawa podatkowego, przepisów utrudniających właściwą ich interpretację oraz presji politycznej na zwiększenie dochodów budżetowych, skutkować to może negatywnymi konsekwencjami dla podatników.
The paper is a response to the question of what, in the light of religious thinking and constitutional law, the common good is. Why the principle of the common good-one of the basic constitutional principles of government-is so rarely invoked in the case law and what exactly is its content. Prevailing case law of the Constitutional Court opposes this value against the individual good, justifying restrictions on the freedom and rights of individuals in comparison with the interest of the state. However, the concept of the common good in the Polish Constitution is much wider, it determines the adoption of a political model based on the menial role of the state towards its citizens. The Republic of Poland is one of the many components of the common good and the State is obliged to its realization in the spirit of the democratic rule of law.
The article explains and analyses those principles of social life which Edmund Wnuk-Lipiński defines as of topical social significance. It is revealed that the sociologist attaches great importance to the principle of common good. It is also shown that in his works, Wnuk-Lipiński takes into account the principle of subsidiarity and approaches it from the perspective of state and statehood. The sociologist attributes an important role to the principle of solidarity in democratic systems. In his opinion,solidarity led the Polish society of the 1980s to unite in active resistance to the Communist regime. As argued by E. Wnuk-Lipiński, since 1989 we have been witnessing an axiological and sociologicalatomisation of the attitudes displayed by Poles, which has led to increased social stratification. In this context, the sociologist discusses the principle of social trust to argue that its level is extremely low in contemporary Polish society. E. Wnuk-Lipiński puts major responsibility for this fact on the ruling elites and their actions.
PL
W artykule wyjaśniono i przeanalizowano najważniejsze – w ujęciu Edmunda Wnuka-Lipińskiego– zasady życia społecznego. Uznano, że dużą wagę przywiązuje on do roli zasady dobra wspólnego.Ukazano też, że omawiany autor w swoich pracach bierze pod uwagę zasadę pomocniczości i rozpatrujeją przez pryzmat państwa. Socjolog istotną rolę w systemie demokratycznym przypisujezasadzie solidarności, która tak znacząco jednoczyła, jego zdaniem, społeczeństwo polskie w latachosiemdziesiątych, w opozycji do reżimu komunistycznego. Po 1989 r. mamy – zdaniem autora – doczynienia z elementami atomizacji Polaków i rozwarstwienia społecznego. W kwestii zasady zaufaniaspołecznego E. Wnuk-Lipiński również akcentuje niski jej poziom. Odpowiedzialnością za ten faktobarcza przede wszystkim poczynania elit rządzących.
Życie obywatela to – przynajmniej z chrześcijańskiego punktu widzenia – droga, która prowadzi do Boga. Można na niej spotkać co najmniej dwie niewykluczające się rzeczywistości: polityczną i religijną. Chrześcijanin winien angażować się w życie polityczne, a jednocześnie postępować zgodnie z właściwym systemem moralnym. Całą działalność polityczną trzeba pojmować w kategoriach moralnych, ponieważ w jej centrum znajduje się zawsze człowiek i jego działanie, które może być tak dobre, jak i złe. Nie wolno uprawiać polityki według zasad ideologii skuteczności i sukcesu bez liczenia się z wartościami ogólnoludzkimi i prawami moralnymi. Przestrzeganie zasad etycznych w obrębie polityki jest gwarancją właściwego funkcjonowania państwa oraz zabezpieczenia praw jednostki. Zdając sobie sprawę z możliwych zagrożeń w dziedzinie polityki, należy mówić o potrzebie formacji moralnej wszystkich pełniej uczestniczących w życiu politycznym. Formacja ta jest konieczna, aby przenikać świat polityki duchem służby na rzecz dobra wspólnego.
EN
Life of a citizen is – at least from Christian point of view – a road that leads to God and on which at least two not excluding realities can be met: political and religious. The Christian should engage in the political life and at the same time follow the appropriate moral system. The entire political activity must be understood in moral terms because it is centered on human life and actions which might be good as well as bad. The politics cannot be practiced according to the rules of ideology of effectiveness and success, without taking universal values and moral laws into account. Following ethical principles within the policy guarantees the proper functioning of the state and the protection of individual rights. Realizing the potential risks in the field of politics, we have to talk about the need for moral formation for all fully participating in political life. This formation is necessary to infiltrate the world of politics with the spirit of service to the common good.
Artykuł dotyczy analizy problemów związanych z uzyskaniem statusu organizacji pożytku publicznego przez kościelne osoby prawne w polskim systemie prawnym. Przedstawione zostały wymogi i podstawowe skutki prawne nabycia przez kościelne osoby prawne tego statusu, które podzielono na aspekt strukturalny i personalny. W dalszej części opracowania został przedstawiony zarys aktualnej procedury sądowej uzyskania powyższego statusu przez kościelne osoby prawne. Na zakończenie artykułu przedstawiono podstawowe wnioski.
EN
The article concerns the analysis of the problems related to obtaining public benefit status by church legal persons in the Polish legal system. In article were presented the basic requirements and legal consequences of the acquisition by the church legal persons that status, which were divided into structural and personal aspect. In the next part of the elaboration was presented the current legal procedure for obtaining this status by church legal persons. Significant conclusions from the analysis were presented at the end of the article.
This essay intends to highlight a specific trait of St. Vincent as the clergy formator. This characteristic is often downplayed and unnoticed, for Vincent is primarily known throughout history as the founder of charity works and is generally invoked as the patron of the poor. I draw exclusively on Spanish sources and my intention is to present Vincent as a man fully plunged in the work of clergy reform that bore fruit not only for the church in France in the 17th century but for many generations of priests in many parts of the world where the missionaries of st. Vincent still toil in the clergy formation today.
In the context of growing concern about the social life, it is noted that honesty understood as keeping recognized standards of moral behavior and integrity, which ensures reliability in their implementation is undoubtedly important in the process of building a good society. On honesty of Christians, which is understood in this way, depends the style of work of self-government and the kind of decisions they take. Honesty understood in this way is professional care for spiritual and material goods of the local community; it is a service related to preserving this good and the concern for its growth; it also keeps control over the uniform access to benefiting from these goods. Honest self-government activity is also a concern to preserve the unity and social bond.
Published in 2014 (first ed. 1660) the treatise by Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro was a significant editorial event. It was the first time that Polish readers had been presented with a Polish translation of the originally Latin work by this author. This edition of Scriptorum combines the original Latin text and its Polish translation in one book. What is also significant, it is preceded by a comprehensive and detailed introduction and supplemented with very meticulous footnotes. The whole work is followed by an index of characters referred to in Scriptorum. In its introduction by Marek Tracz Tryniecki, the present work provides an extensive and very erudite presentation of the figure and intellectual achievements of Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro (p. 19–114). In fact, this is not so much a typical introduction as a scientific analysis which actually meets the requirements of a study. Not only does the author reconstruct the ideas, but also argues with some published interpretative theses concerning both the activities and the ideas of Aleksander Fredro.In his text Andrzej Maksymilian Fredro introduces and justifies the universal idea of self-limited power of the monarch. He justifies it with moral, political, psychological, legal and religious arguments, as well as with the historical experience and a comparative approach. A.M. Fredro’s work offers a commendation of republicanism and the mixed regime. According to Fredro, and many other political writers of the 16th and 17th centuries, the mixed regime continued to be the basis of the political regime of the Republic of Poland, where it was institutionally reflected in three estates: the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate and the King (p. 65). A.M. Fredro argues that such a regime enables the best control of conflicts and ensures freedom in the country. Another political postulate by this author is the commendation of the rule of law in the State. The work also discusses Fredro’s military ideas.
PL
Autor omawia idee polityczne Andrzeja Maksymiliana Fredry. Ocenie podlega obszerny wstęp napisany współcześnie przez Marka Tracza Trynieckiego. Wskazuje się na prezentowanie przez Fredrę modelu monarchii umiarkowanej. Podkreśla się zerwanie komentatora z dotychczasowymi stereotypami i analizami piśmiennictwa A.M. Fredry dokonanymi w okresie wcześniejszym. Odrębnym problemem jest ukazanie poglądów pisarza na temat relacji państwo – kościół, zadań edukacji patriotycznej czy problemu wojska i wojny.
In Saint Augustine’s teaching, salvation is always an act of God’s grace given to man through the agency of Christ. For this reason, the space of granting this grace is the Church, understood as a component of the structure of totus Christus. The Bishop of Hippo stresses, therefore, the need for belonging to the Church and the importance of baptism in the sanctification and salvation of man, because good deeds done without God’s grace have no value deserving salvation. The Church is, above all, a spiritual community in which a factor decisive to man’s communication with God, besides God’s grace, is primarily the love of God; and what closes up the human heart to this grace is pride. Therefore, aside from the visible community of Christians, there are also those just, who are among the saved. They include also those, who cure the disease of pride with the love of other people and service for the common good.
Nadawcy społeczni mają obowiązek emisji audycji o treściach prospołecznych i zgodnych z profilem swej działalności, a estetyka ich przekazów jest konwencjonalna. Aby sprawdzić zasadność tych założeń, poddano jakościowej analizie filmy: The Perfect Wave (Idealna fala), Nasze dzikie serca (Our Wild Hearts) i drugą część serialu When Calls the Heart (Głos serca) emitowane w TV Trwam. Okazało się, że podejmują m.in. tematy: górnictwa, sądownictwa, ojcostwa, ekologii, funkcjonowania służb publicznych. Dokumenty recepcji wskazują na życzliwy odbiór. Sprzeciwy budzi konwencjonalna estetyka tych filmów, rzadziej przesłania religijne i społeczne.
EN
Community broadcasters are obliged to emit pro-social programs in line with their profile, however the aesthetics of their programs and messages is traditional and conventional. To test this assumption, the second season of the TV movies: The Perfect Wave, Nasze dzikie serca and series When Calls the Heart were subjected to qualitative analysis. It was found that they addressed issues of: mining, fatherhood, ecology, and functioning of public services. Analysis of reception indicated a favourable response. Conventional aesthetics of the movies, not so much their religious and social messages, was found to be objectionable by some viewers.
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