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PL
This paper comments on a recent ruling concerning the choice of law to the individual employment contract according to the Rome I Regulation. In the judgement in the joined cases C–152/20 and C–218/20 (DG, EH v. SC Gruber Logistics SRL and Sindicatul Lucrătorilor din Transporturi, TD v. SC Samidani Trans SRL), the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) provided the interpretation of Article 8 of the Rome I Regulation on two issues. At first, the EU Court was asked about the freedom of choice of law applicable to the individual employment contract if (a) national law required the inclusion of a clause into that contract under which the contractual provisions are supplemented by national law and (b) the contractual clause concerning that choice was drafted by the employer. The second issue was connected with the concept of the employee’s protection, under which the choice of law may not have the result of depriving the employee of the protection afforded to him (her) by provisions that cannot be derogated from by agreement, under the law that would have been applicable to the contract in the absence of choice. Regarding the first question, the CJEU admitted that the parties to an individual employment contract dispose of freedom to choose the law applicable to that contract, even if the contractual provisions are supplemented by national labour law under a (relevant) national provision, if “the national provision in question does not require the parties to choose national law as the law applicable to that contract”. Secondly, the Court found that the parties to an individual employment contract were “to be regarded as being, in principle, free to choose the law applicable to that contract, even if the contractual clause concerning that choice is drafted by the employer”. Therefore, the CJEU confirmed the application of the rules concerning the choice of law resulting from Article 3 of the Rome I Regulation to the individual employment contracts. Referring to the second issue of the commented ruling, the CJEU confirmed that Article 8 (1) of the Rome I Regulation must be interpreted as meaning that, where the parties have chosen the law governing the individual employment contract, the application of the law that would apply to the contract in the absence of choice must be excluded, with the exception of “provisions that cannot be derogated from by agreement”, if those provisions offer the employee concerned greater protection than those of the law chosen by the parties. The EU Court underlined that rules on the minimum wage could be treated as “provisions that cannot be derogated from by agreement” and the law that, in the absence of choice, would be applicable should decide about it. Unfortunately, it is necessary to follow the commented judgment’s justification to correctly understand the concept of an employee’s protection applied in Article 8 (1) of the Rome I Regulation. The thesis of the ruling in this regard seems to be too laconic, and it can be misinterpreted. 
PL
Artykuł to autorska, w pewnym sensie spontaniczna reakcja na liczne kontrowersje związane z planem gwałtownego podniesienia poziomu minimalnego wynagrodzenia miesięcznego z aktualnego poziomu 2250 zł do poziomu 4000 zł, czyli o blisko 80 proc. w ciągu najbliższych 4 lat. Autorka zastanawia się czy ta koncepcja znajduje uzasadnienie w kondycji gospodarki polskiej? A może jest czysto polityczną (populistyczną) zagrywką, której celem jest – nie tyle poprawa bytu Polaków – co uzyskanie głosów w wyborach parlamentarnych? Autorzy projektu wzrostu płacy minimalnej wszak nie ukrywają, że to pomysł stanowiący trzon kampanii wyborczej i fundament programu wyborczego pod hasłem budowy państwa dobrobytu. Autorka nie kontestuje samej koncepcji państwa dobrobytu, jak i nie kontestuje samej istoty płacy minimalnej. Autorka postawiła sobie za cel próbę dokonania obiektywnej analizy dynamiki wzrostu płac minimalnych w Polsce oraz ich relacji do płacy średniej. Na tym tle Autorka proponuje również analizę komparatywną, wskazującą na pozycję Polski na tle krajów UE i OECD pod względem poziomu płac minimalnych. Badania empiryczne w opisanym powyżej zakresie poprzedza kompaktowy przegląd najważniejszych poglądów dotyczących minimalnej ceny pracy, znanych z teorii ekonomii. Warstwę teoretyczną i empiryczną artykułu wieńczy autorska próba wskazania głównych, pozytywnych i negatywnych skutków projektowanego wzrostu płacy minimalnej w Polsce. Treść tego artykułu to chłodna ocena bazująca na racjonalności ekonomicznej i danych makroekonomicznych, w oderwaniu od emocji wyborczych oraz próba rozstrzygnięcia autorsko zdefiniowanych dylematów: Czy Polska jest gotowa na poniesienie ewentualnych konsekwencji ekonomicznych w pogoni za ziszczeniem modelu państwa dobrobytu, w którym dobrobyt jest dystrybuowany bez nierówności? Czy Polska, w dbałości o kondycję makroekonomiczną gospodarki i długoterminowe perspektywy wzrostu jest gotowa cofnąć się z drogi budowania Państwa dobrobytu bez nierówności społeczno – ekonomicznych? Na tle treści zaprezentowanego artykułu, Autorka nawołuje o racjonalne, rozważne zaplanowanie ścieżki budowy Państwa dobrobytu. Według Autorki, proponowany przez rząd projekt jest źle skalibrowany (zbyt szybkie tempo wzrostu płacy) i równie źle rozplanowany w czasie (zbyt krótki czas realizacji tej obietnicy wyborczej).
EN
The article is a proprietary, in a sense spontaneous response to numerous controversies related to the plan to rapidly raise the level of the minimum monthly salary from the current level of PLN 2,250 to PLN 4,000, i.e. by nearly 80 percent. in the next 4 years. The author wonders if this concept is justified by the condition of the Polish economy? Or maybe it is a purely political (populist) game, which the goal is - not so much to improve the welfare of Poles - as to obtain votes in parliamentary elections? After all, the authors of the project for increasing the minimum wage do not hide that this is the idea constituting the core of the election campaign and the foundation of the election program under the slogan of building a welfare state. The author does not contest the concept of the welfare state, nor does she contest the essence of the minimum wage. The author set herself the goal of attempting to make an objective analysis of the dynamics of the increase in the minimum wage in Poland and its relation to the average wage. On this background, the author also proposes a comparative analysis, indicating the position of Poland within EU and OECD countries in terms of the level of minimum wages. Empirical research in the scope described above is preceded by a compact review of the most important theorems on the minimum wages. The theoretical and empirical layer of the article is crowned by the author's attempt to indicate the main, positive and negative effects of the projected increase in the minimum wage in Poland. The content of this article is a kind of assessment based on economic rationality and macroeconomic data, in isolation from electoral emotions, and an attempt to resolve the author's defined dilemmas: Is Poland ready to bear any possible economic consequences in pursuit of the fulfillment of the welfare state model in which welfare is distributed without inequality ? Is Poland, ready to step back from the path of building the welfare without social and economic inequalities just to preserve the macroeconomic condition of the economy and its long-term growth prospects? On this background, the author calls for rational and careful planning of the path to build well-being for Poles. According to the author, the project proposed by the government is poorly calibrated (too fast wage growth rate) and equally poorly planned in time (too short time to fulfill this election promise).
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