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Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie poziomu rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego Niemiec

100%

Środa-Murawska S.

Nierówności społeczne a wzrost gospodarczy

2013

issue 31

308-317

W dniu 3 października 1990 roku nastąpiło zjednoczenie rozdzielonych przez okres prawie 50 lat obu części Niemiec: Niemieckiej Republiki Demokratycznej – pozostającej pod wpływem gospodarki socjalistycznej i Republiki Federalnej Niemiec – przynależącej do krajów gospodarki rynkowej. Od tego momentu na terenie nowych landów utworzonych na obszarze byłej NRD zaczęto wprowadzać gospodarkę rynkową, a władze ponownie scalonego państwa rozpoczęły proces niwelowania ogromnych różnic w poziomie rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego obu części Niemiec. Celem niniejszego opracowania była analiza i ocena przestrzennego zróżnicowania poziomu rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego Niemiec w roku 2010, a więc 20 lat po zjednoczeniu obu państw. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych badań stwierdzono, że w przestrzeni Niemiec nadal wyodrębnia się granica niemiecko-niemiecka i w zasadzie cały obszar byłej Niemieckiej Republiki Demokratycznej cechuje niższy poziom rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego. Wykazane różnice pomiędzy najlepiej i najsłabiej rozwiniętymi jednostkami administracyjnymi mogą być interpre-towane jako wyraz polaryzacji rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego regionu Niemiec, a okres 20 lat jest jeszcze zbyt krótki, aby można mówić o małym zróżnicowaniu obu części Niemiec w odnie-sieniu do poziomu rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego.

On 3 October 1990, two German states, the socialist German Democratic Republic and the capitalist Federal Republic of Germany, unified after almost 50 years of separation. In the Länder re-established in the former GDR a market economy started to be implemented and the government of the new German state launched initiatives to eliminate the huge gaps between the levels of socio-economic development in eastern and western Germany. This article analyzes and evaluates the Federal Republic of Germany with respect to spatial variations in its socio-economic development that still persisted in 2010, i.e. 20 years after official unification. The conclusion arising from the research is that the German-German border still divides the territory of the unified state and that basically the whole of the former GDR is at a lower level of socio-economic development. The highlighted differences between the best and the least developed administrative units in the country can be interpreted as an expression of polarization in its development. At the same time, though, the period of 20 years is too short to expect the differences to be small.

Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów do Sejmu z 1957 roku

84%

Kowalski M., Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN W.

Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica

2015

issue 21

Z wyborów organizowanych w czasach PRL na uwagę zasługują przede wszystkim te z 1957 roku. Przeprowadzono je w okresie popaździernikowej odwilży, a władze nie miały specjalnych powodów, by je fałszować. Liberalna atmosfera sprzyjała wyborczej konkurencji, a oficjalne wyniki wyborów uwidoczniły znaczące zróżnicowanie polskiego społeczeństwa w ujęciu przestrzennym.

When comparing the spatial differentiation of results of elections from the inter-war period (1918–1939) and the post-communist period (1989–2015), one sees a very clear similarity between the two (Kowalski, 2014). In the north-western part of the country the electoral preferences are with the left or the liberals, while in the south-eastern part – with the right. Given the persistence of this spatial setting, a supposition arises that the spatial differentiation of the political attitudes existed also during the times of the socialist People’s Poland. Lack of political freedom and electoral falsifications, performed by the communists, make the verification of this proposition quite difficult. Of the elections, organised in the socialist period, it is the ones, carried out in 1957, that deserve consideration, first of all. These elections were carried out in the short period of liberalisation after 1956, in conditions of an enthusiastic support for the new governing administration. The organisers of the elections could be fairly certain as to the outcome. That is why, side by side with the candidates, who were closely connected with the ruling establishment, also more independent persons, frequently enjoying high popularity in the society, were allowed to stand as candidates in these elections. In order to guarantee the victorious outcome, the authorities allowed for the formation of just a single list of candidates. The authorities lanced the appeal to vote for the candidates from the first places on the list, since it was on these places that the persons most convenient from the point of view of the establishment were listed. The few independent candidates were located at far-off positions. There was also an appeal for the possibly highest turnout at the elections, since this would constitute a signal of support for the new administration. These appeals were also shared by the Catholic Church in Poland. Despite the limitations and constraints mentioned, the relatively liberal atmosphere was conducive to the electoral competition within the framework of the candidate lists approved. This was yet enhanced by the fact that candidates represented, formally at least, various political organisms (communists, peasant activists, democratic party, non-aligned candidates) and communities, and, as indicated, the lists also included, even though on far-off places, persons of independent orientations. In addition, the liberal atmosphere and the conviction of the ruling group that they must win, limited, it appears, the electoral falsifications to the minimum. Owing to the advantageous social atmosphere and the appropriate construction of the lists of candidates, the communists could not lose these elections. Yet, in spite of this, the official results of the elections made visible the significant differentiation of the Polish society, both in global terms, and in space. The latter aspect represented a clear similarity to the spatial differentiation of the results of elections, taking place in other time periods, both the earlier ones (the interwar period) and those carried out later (after 1989).

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1 Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Geographica Socio-Oeconomica

1 Nierówności społeczne a wzrost gospodarczy

1 Instytut Geografii i Przestrzennego Zagospodarowania PAN W.

1 Kowalski M.

1 Środa-Murawska S.

1 2015

1 2013

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Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie poziomu rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczego Niemiec

Przestrzenne zróżnicowanie wyników wyborów do Sejmu z 1957 roku