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EN
The paper describes the modern history of international relations based on the liberalism-constructivism approach. The main goal is to decrease the importance of the state in international relations and to point out the importance of a number of other actors that influence communication in international relations (multinational companies, non-state actors, new social movements, media, etc.). Such expansion is also of importance for the Czechoslovak and West German relations in the 1950s and 1960s. At that time, official diplomatic relations did not exist, therefore the communication transpired via these non-state actors. Scientific workplaces focusing on the area of international relations played a key role in this process, namely the Czechoslovak Ústav pro mezinárodní politiku a ekonomii and the West German Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik. However even these scientific institutions were influenced by the ideological and institutional settings of each respective country. The Ústav pro mezinárodní politiku a ekonomii in many aspects simply repeated propaganda statements of the Communist government towards West Germany. Due to its own activities aimed at the Czechoslovak and West German relations in the 1960s and the effort to gain a more independent position, it was disbanded in early 1970s. A new workplace was created instead, which was once again fully subordinate to the Communist party. On the other hand, the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik represents a modern think-tank created in the Anglo-Saxon world. In many propositions, the analysis formed their own, independent stances that often contradicted the official views of the West German government.
PL
Od momentu publikacji Globalnej Strategii Unii Europejskiej (UE) z 2016 roku, która przedstawiła Europejską Autonomię Strategiczną (EAS) jako „globalną ambicję” UE, koncepcja EAS staje się coraz bardziej zakorzeniona w politykach UE. Jednocześnie, znaczenie tej koncepcji pozostaje ulotne w związku z dużą ilością różniących się od siebie definicji i interpretacji. Celem artykułu jest wskazanie i przeanalizowanie jak koncepcja EAS jest definiowana, a także weryfikacja przyjętej hipotezy: pomimo wielu konkurujących konceptualizacji EAS, w UE wyłania się wspólna jej interpretacja. Artykuł pokazuje, jak idea ESA jest przyjmowana i jak ewoluuje w odniesieniu do europejskich think-tanków oraz instytucji UE. Badania, o które oparto artykuł obejmowały szeroki przegląd literatury uwzględniający publikacje naukowe, publikacje think-tanków i oficjalne dokumenty unijne, a także wywiady z urzędnikami UE i przedstawicielami europejskich think-tanków.
EN
Since the Global Strategy of 2016 which presented European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) a global “ambition” of the European Union, the concept of ESA became increasingly embedded in the EU policymaking. However, its meaning remains elusive due to a plurality of competing definitions and interpretations. The aim of this article is to show and analyse how the concept of European Strategic Autonomy is being defined and to verify the hypothesis: despite many competing conceptualizations of ESA, a common understanding of the notion is emerging in the EU. It traces how the concept of ESA is received and evolves in relation to European think-tanks and EU institutions. The research behind this article is based on an extensive review of academic literature, think-tank publications and official EU documents, as well as interviews conducted with EU officials and members of the European think-tank community.
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