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EN
The problem of responsibility became, particularly in the second half of the twentieth century, one of the most important subjects of philosophical reflection. Many thinkers, including Martin Heidegger, Emmanuel Lévinas, Karl Jaspers and Hans Jonas, expressed their views about it. The evil of totalitarian systems became the main experience triggering discussion about responsibility. The reflection included in Hannah Arendt’s works is an important voice in the debate and it remains up-to-date despite the passage of time. Arendt demonstrated the multidimensional and dramatic character of responsibility by presenting the meanings of vita contemplativa and vita activa in reference to every person’s existence. The thinker was searching for the answer to the question about the essence of responsibility. Today, she still introduces the readers of her works and the listeners of numerous interviews she gave to a more profound understanding of responsibility-related experiences. In my humble opinion, the greatest value of philosophical interpretation of Hannah Arendt’s works is the fact that they still remain constructive reflections. Their influence is not limited to shaping one’s mind only. It goes deeper and develops our attitudes, including the attitude to properly understood responsibility.
EN
Since 2 September 2016, the provisions of the Act of 1 April 2016 on prohibition of propagation of communism or another totalitarian system by the names of organisational units, auxiliary units of communes, buildings, objects and devices of public utility and monuments have been in force. When determining the procedure of the proceedings provided for, the legislator gave a special role to the opinions of the Institute of National Remembrance – Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation. The aim and subject of this article is the problem analysis of the recent case law of the Supreme Administrative Court (i.e. from 2019) insofar as it relates to the legal nature and force of the opinions of the Institute of National Remembrance drawn up as a part of the proceedings based on the said Act, and an attempt to translate the conclusions arising from this analysis into possible recommendations for the Sejm.
PL
Badanie reformy więziennictwa w Polsce jest doskonałą ilustracją przemian ustrojowych, jakie przechodzili Polacy od systemu naznaczonego radzieckim totalitaryzmem do społeczeństwa spełniającego kryteria demokratyczności . Dążenia Ukrainy w kierunku adaptacji rozwiązań Unii Europejskiej w dziedzinie reformy penitencjarnej zachęcają do poznania doświadczeń Polski ze względu na postęp tego kraju w eliminowaniu spuścizny komunistycznej w działalności więziennictwa i nadzorującej go Służby Więziennej. Zadanie to staje się również aktualne dla współczesnej Ukrainy i z uwagi na łączące oba kraje głębokie więzi kulturowe i mentalne, polskie doświadczenia wydają się być niezwykle inspirujące. Korzystając z doświadczenia sąsiadów nie należy zapominać o różnicach. Przede wszystkim należy zauważyć, że okres komunizmu w Polsce był wyraźnie krótszy, w porównaniu z 70-letnim doświadczeniem Ukrainy, Białorusi i innych Republik Radzieckich które w odróżnieniu od Polski nie zaznały pełnej suwerenności. Kluczowe dla powodzenia reform w Polsce było to, że realizowali je nowi, często młodzi ludzie, przygotowani do pracy w oparciu o współczesną wiedzy, nie związaną z poprzednim systemem. Polacy potępili zbrodnie komunizmu i jego dziedzictwo. Na Ukrainie do tej pory tak zdecydowanie tego nie zrobiono i to jest jeden z powodów niepowodzenia reform.
EN
The study of the prison system reform in Poland is a perfect illustration of the political changes that Poles have undergone from a system marked by Soviet totalitarianism to a society that meets the criteria of democracy Ukraine's aspirations to adapt EU solutions in the field of penitentiary reform encourage to learn about Poland's experiences due to the progress of this country in eliminating the communist legacy in the work of the prison system and the Prison Service that oversees it. This task is also valid for contemporary Ukraine and due to the deep cultural and mental ties connecting the two countries, Polish experiences seem to be extremely inspiring. When using the experience of neighbors, one should not forget about the differences. First of all, it should be noted that the period of communism in Poland was clearly shorter, compared to the 70 years of experience of Ukraine, Belarus and other Soviet Republics which, unlike Poland, did not experience full sovereignty. The key to the success of the reforms in Poland was the fact that they were carried out by new, often young people who were prepared to work on the basis of modern knowledge not related to the previous system. Poles condemned the crimes of communism and its legacy. In Ukraine, this has definitely not been done so far, and this is one of the reasons for the failure of the reforms.
EN
The study of the prison system reform in Poland is a perfect illustration of the political changes that Poles have undergone from a system marked by Soviet totalitarianism to a society that meets the criteria of democracy Ukraine's aspirations to adapt EU solutions in the field of penitentiary reform encourage to learn about Poland's experiences due to the progress of this country in eliminating the communist legacy in the work of the prison system and the Prison Service that oversees it. This task is also valid for contemporary Ukraine and due to the deep cultural and mental ties connecting the two countries, Polish experiences seem to be extremely inspiring. When using the experience of neighbors, one should not forget about the differences. First of all, it should be noted that the period of communism in Poland was clearly shorter, compared to the 70 years of experience of Ukraine, Belarus and other Soviet Republics which, unlike Poland, did not experience full sovereignty. The key to the success of the reforms in Poland was the fact that they were carried out by new, often young people who were prepared to work on the basis of modern knowledge not related to the previous system. Poles condemned the crimes of communism and its legacy. In Ukraine, this has definitely not been done so far, and this is one of the reasons for the failure of the reforms.
PL
Badanie reformy więziennictwa w Polsce jest doskonałą ilustracją przemian ustrojowych, jakie przechodzili Polacy od systemu naznaczonego radzieckim totalitaryzmem do społeczeństwa spełniającego kryteria demokratyczności . Dążenia Ukrainy w kierunku adaptacji rozwiązań Unii Europejskiej w dziedzinie reformy penitencjarnej zachęcają do poznania doświadczeń Polski ze względu na postęp tego kraju w eliminowaniu spuścizny komunistycznej w działalności więziennictwa i nadzorującej go Służby Więziennej. Zadanie to staje się również aktualne dla współczesnej Ukrainy i z uwagi na łączące oba kraje głębokie więzi kulturowe i mentalne, polskie doświadczenia wydają się być niezwykle inspirujące. Korzystając z doświadczenia sąsiadów nie należy zapominać o różnicach. Przede wszystkim należy zauważyć, że okres komunizmu w Polsce był wyraźnie krótszy, w porównaniu z 70-letnim doświadczeniem Ukrainy, Białorusi i innych Republik Radzieckich które w odróżnieniu od Polski nie zaznały pełnej suwerenności. Kluczowe dla powodzenia reform w Polsce było to, że realizowali je nowi, często młodzi ludzie, przygotowani do pracy w oparciu o współczesną wiedzy, nie związaną z poprzednim systemem. Polacy potępili zbrodnie komunizmu i jego dziedzictwo. Na Ukrainie do tej pory tak zdecydowanie tego nie zrobiono i to jest jeden z powodów niepowodzenia reform.
EN
The author of the essay considers Leszek Wosiewicz’s Kornblumenblau as a film about art and focuses on the self reflexive elements present in the film, particularly those referring to film conventions. This analysis examines the film in the context of the reflections about the meaning of art in totalitarian systems and situation of the artist in the reality of the concentration camp. Kornblumenblau depicts degenerated art as depriving of freedom and rescue, becoming another tool of oppression. Dehumanizing power of this art points at the final decay of man in the epoch of gas chambers.
PL
The Artist In L’univers Concentrationnaire. Leszek Wosiewicz’s “Kornblumenblau” As a Treaty About Art The author of the essay considers Leszek Wosiewicz’s Kornblumenblau as a film about art and focuses on the self reflexive elements present in the film, particularly those referring to film conventions. This analysis examines the film in the context of the reflections about the meaning of art in totalitarian systems and situation of the artist in the reality of the concentration camp. Kornblumenblau depicts degenerated art as depriving of freedom and rescue, becoming another tool of oppression. Dehumanizing power of this art points at the final decay of man in the epoch of gas chambers.
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EN
The author analyses the problem of freedom of science and art that are integral elements of intellectual culture. Although the Church has always been an inspirer and patron of culture, there have been controversies between this institution and scientists (the cases of Galileo and Copernicus, the Darwinian theory of evolution). Liberalism rightly propagates the idea of freedom of culture but it minimises the role of truth that is the leading value in culture. Totalitarian systems (Hitlerism, Communism) questioned the value of culture and practically destroyed it. Documents of the Vatican Council II and Pope John Paul II's teaching allow formulation of three fundamental paradigms of personalism: 1. Science and culture require freedom in social life (which is confirmed by the pluralism of branches of science and culture currents). 2. Development of authentic culture requires moral righteousness and responsibility from the scientist and one who creates culture. 3. The good of a human person (of his biological and spiritual life) and the society's common good (protection of its integrity and ethos) sometimes require limitation of research freedom that should be regulated by the law (e.g. in genetic engineering).
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