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EN
  The paper describes and appraises the policy of prosecution and punishment in cases of transgressions in the years 1990‒1994, i.e. after the systemic transformations in Poland. It is a continuation of a study of penal policy carried out while the former Code of Transgressions was still in force; the aim now is to draw a comparison between the old and new tendencies in the practice of prosecution and punishment. The comparison, however, encounters specific difficulties. The first reason for this is that a full judicial control over decisions of transgression boards was introduced and the boards were submitted to the Ministry of Justice supervision. The second reason is that the statistical data gathered now by that department are much scantier as compared to those formerly gathered by the Ministry of Internal Affairs while the transgression boards were still subordinated to it. In the seventies, a systematic aggravation of the penal policy took place. Admittedly, that policy was then temporarily mitigated with the birth of Solidarity; yet after the imposition of martial law in 1982, followed by the passing of the 1985 act, penal policy once again grew repressive, this time much more so. Then, at the close of the past decade, as a result of social pressure, penal policy was quite distinctly liberalized. To show the transformations of that policy in the nineties, it has usually been compared to the tendencies found in both a “repressive” year of 1987 and a “liberal” one of 1988. As follows from analysis of the prosecution policy measured by the number of motions for punishment submitted to transgression boards, the number of such motions was greatly reduced in the years 1990-1994 as compared to preceding decades. The fact considered that recorded crime went up distinctly in that period, as probably did also the number of petty infringements of the law – that is, transgressions – this reduction can be interpreted as a limitation of the scope of prosecution with respect to such acts. On the one hand, this resulted from a lowered activity of the police, on the other hand – from the force’s aim towards improving their image in society. A similar trend could be found in the case of police orders the number of which was also reduced. Characteristically, the average fine imposed by police order amounted to not even a half of the statutory upper limit. This notwithstanding, a draft amendment of the code of transgressions was published in the Spring of 1994 which suggested that the limit be raised tenfold; the draft also provided for an identical raise in the upper limit of fine as a main penalty, This solution was sharply criticized by the present author as its actual implanentation would result in a general aggravation of economic repression. The structure of transgressions for which the boards imposed punishment in the nineties underwent a rather significant change: the number of persons brought before the boards for traffic transgressions went up considerably (to about 70%) while that of persons guilty of disturbance of public order went down. This latter trend should be seen as advantageous since the formerly mass-scale prosecution of perpetrators of such acts, most of them alcohol dependent, was generally considered futile. Also liberalized was the structure of penal measures imposed on all perpetrators of transgressions. Admittedly, fine remained the prevalent response (about 95% of decisions); yet the proportion of the strictest measures (arrest and limitation of liberty) went down distinctly, and that of the most lenient ones (reprimand and renouncement of inflicting punishment) went up. The fact considered that the penalty of arrest was limited to the minimum and imposed chiefly on persons guilty of the acts that are to be classified as offenses under the draft of the Penal Code, the proposed preservation of that penalty in the future Code of Transgressions cannot be praised. This same conclusion is also true for conditional suspention the execution of arrest which is nearly a dead institution in practice. As clearly follows from statistical data used in the present analysis, changes in the structure of penal measures imposed reflected a mitigation of penal policy. Instead, no data are gathered as to the severity load of those measures. This situation is bound to provoke criticism, chiefly because of the lack of data on the amounts of fines. Fines being the most frequently imposed measures, their amounts constitute the basic index of punitiveness of the boards’ decisions. The fact considered that the statutory amount of fine was last raised in 1992 while nominal wages showed a regular upwards trend, the conclusion is justified that we in fact dealt with what was perhaps an unintended mitigation of the actual severity of economic repression. As follows from the principles of rational penal policy, the provions legal in force have to be to be amended. Due, however, to pauperization of society, the raise in the maximum statutory fine cannot be as drastic as suggested in the above-mentioned draft amendment of 1994. This might well lead to revival of the once pursued practice of using fines as an instrument of adding to the budget. The statistical data under analysis also provide no information on the imposition of additional penal measures, the sole exception being prohibition of operating motor driven vehicles. All that can be observed is a very serious growth in the proportion of this latter penalty which was due to a mass prosecution of perpetrators of petty traffic offenses. Characteristically, though, the incidence of imposition of this measure on such persons (those additionally guilty of drunken driving included) has been on a regular decrease. Also astonishing is the fact that despite the introduction of judicial review of the boards’ decisions (which had been postulated for many decades by the scientific circles), no statistical data are gathered showing the extent to which penal policy pursued by those boards is actually corrected by courts. Admittedly, it follows from the findings of the solo relevant research project conducted in the nineties that today as in the past, courts usually tend to reduce the penalties imposed by transgression boards (the penalty of prohibition of operating motor driven vehicles in particular). What remains unknown, though, is both the general number of persons who demand that their cases be examined by courts and the actual decisions of those courts. Although penal policy in cases of transgressions grew slightly more severe in 1990‒1994, its present liberalization as compared to the two preceding decades is generally seen as favorable. What probably accounts for this liberalization is the exclusion of transgression boards from under the supervision of Ministry of Internal Affairs and the resulting deprivation of the head of that particular Ministry of the right to issue instructions as to the sentencing policy which invariably increased its punitiveness. Thus an instrument of pressure was abolished which limited the discretion of members of transgression boards. This shows that respect for the independence of those appointed to apply tbe law may result in a reduction of repressiveness even with no legislative changes in the system of penal measures. This is not to say, though, that – still  based on rigorous provisions as it is – the system does not require a possibly prompt amendment.
Tematy i Konteksty
|
2022
|
vol. 17
|
issue 12
182-193
EN
Considering drama as an operational and mobile genre of literature, it is worth starting a separate conversation about its reactivity in the context of Ukrainian revolutions and liberation struggles of the XXI century. After all, modern Ukrainian “revolutionary” drama has nothing to do with the destructive genre clichés of the traditional “revolutionary drama” of the twentieth century. Signs of the latter were the destructive myth of: the new creation of the world; life from zero cycle; basic benefits for infirm people, given by the revolution; static linear plots; pseudo-documentary; ideological involvement of protagonists / antagonists. Ukrainian “revolutionary” drama of the XXI century has 2 streams dedicated, respectively, to the Orange Revolution (vitalistic-romantic visions of the revolution as “love on the barricades” and “birth of the spirit”, “The Nutcracker 2004” by Alexander Irvantеs and “Revolution, love, death and dreams” by Pavlо Arie) and the Revolution of Dignity, which was mastered: in prophetic works (“Barricades on the Cross” by Yurko Gudz, “Detailing” by Dmitry Ternov); in the latest documentary strategies that do not require additional theatrical reinforcement (“We, the Maidan” by Nadiya Simchych, “Diaries of the Maidan” by Natalia Vorozhbyt); in hagiographic “To the sharpness of the sixth octave” by Igor Yuzyuk, “OTVETKA@UA” by Neda Nezhdana) and in symbolic and allegorical genres (Neda Nezhdana's “Maidan inferno, or the other side of hell”, Oleksandr Viter's “Labyrinth”, Oleg-Mykolaychuk-Nizovets' “Chestnut and Lily of the Valley”, Oksana Tanyuk's “Woe (not) my wolf, or Schrödinger's Cat”, Vladimir Kupyansky's “Under the Sign of Puy”, “Bogdan 2014” by Ksenia Skoryk, “Knight of the Temple” by Tetyana Ivashchenko, “Women and Snapper” by Tetyana Kitsenko, “Christmas on the Maidan” by Vira Makoviy, “Extreme Modern People” by Mykola Istin and many other dramatic works). This gives grounds to consider the irreversible artistic transgressions of the genre, which due to its efficiency and mobility gets a new quality and new life, which is very relevant in the context of the Maidan topos throughout Ukraine in the Russian aggression in 2022.
PL
Traktując dramat jako operacyjny i mobilny gatunek literatury, warto rozpocząć osobną dyskusję o jego reaktywności w kontekście ukraińskich rewolucji i walk wyzwoleńczych XXI wieku. W końcu współczesny ukraiński dramat „rewolucyjny” nie ma nic wspólnego z destrukcyjnymi kliszami gatunkowymi tradycyjnego „dramatu rewolucyjnego” XX wieku. Oznakami tych ostatnich był destrukcyjny mit: nowego stworzenia świata; życie od zerowego cyklu; podstawowe dobra dla osób nieporadnych, jakie dała rewolucja; statyczne wykresy liniowe; pseudodokument; ideologiczne zaangażowanie bohaterów/antagonistów. Ukraiński „rewolucyjny” dramat XXI wieku ma 2 nurty poświęcone odpowiednio Pomarańczowej Rewolucji (witalistyczno-romantyczne wizje rewolucji jak „miłość na barykadach” i „narodziny ducha”, Лускунчик-2004 Ołeksandra Irwancia i Революція, кохання, смерть та сновидіння Paula Arie) oraz Rewolucja Godności, która została opanowana: w dziełach proroczych (Барикади на Хресті Jurka Gudzia, Деталізація Dmytra Ternowego); w najnowszych strategiach dokumentalnych, które nie wymagają dodatkowego teatralnego wzmocnienia (Ми, Майдан Nadiji Simczycz, Щоденники Майдану Natalii Worożbyt); w gatunkach hagiograficznych До-дієз шостої октави Ihora Juziuka (OTVETKA@UA Nedy Neżdany) oraz symbolicznych i alegorycznych Maidan inferno, або потойбіч пекла Nedy Neżdany, Лабіринт Ołeksandra Witra, Каштан і Конвалія Ołeha Mykołajczuka-Nizowca, Вой (не)мой волчицы, або Кіт Шрьодингера Oksany Taniuk, Під знаком Пуй Wołodymyra Kupjanskiego, Богдан 2014 Kseni Skoryk, Лицар Храму Tatiany Iwaszczenko, Жінки та снайпер Tatiany Kicenko, Різдво на Майдані Wiry Makowy, Некстмодерний народ Mykoły Istiny i wiele innych dzieł dramatycznych). Daje to podstawy do rozważenia nieodwracalnych artystycznych transgresji gatunku, który dzięki swojej sprawności i mobilności zyskuje nową jakość i nowe życie, co jest bardzo istotne w kontekście toposu Majdanu na terenie całej Ukrainy w świetle rosyjskiej agresji 2022 roku.
EN
In the light of recent studies by psychologists, a human is not only a product of genetic and cultural transmission. S/he becomes an active person, an author, who is a subject of the influence of the world, but who also creates this world (Kozielecki 1999). This means that a human has the right to form his/her own personality, as well as the right to develop freely. A common practice in contemporary global reality has become to center upon individuality and upon characteristics of the inner self of man. Consequently, the approach to thinking and describing human life by categories: becoming a subject of one’s own life, self-realization, individualization has spread recently. Thus, the educational process should be focused on a human being, understood as an autonomous entity, which gradually discovers itself (Błachnio 2011, s. 75). In the search for the optimal model of education, the model of Civic Cooperation developed by A. Brzezińska (2000, 2004), appears to be significant. An important element of the abovementioned model is training of subjectivity, which makes possible both: the formation of readiness for the personal and environmental development, and self-realization.
PL
W świetle analiz psychologów człowiek nie jest jedynie produktem przekazu genetycznego i kulturowego. Staje się aktywnym sprawcą, który podlega wprawdzie oddziaływaniu świata, ale również ów świat tworzy (Kozielecki 1999). Oznacza to, że człowiekowi przysługuje prawo do samodzielnego kształtowania własnej osobowości, do swobodnego rozwoju. We współczesnej globalnej rzeczywistości następuje koncentracja na indywidualności człowieka. W związku z tym powszechną praktyką stało się ześrodkowanie na indywidualizmie i psychologizmie jednostki, rozpowszechniła się „moda na myślenie i opisywanie rzeczywistości ludzkiej za pomocą kategorii «upodmiotawiania się», samorealizacji, indywidualizacji i autosterowności” (Błachnio 2011, s. 75). W poszukiwaniach optymalnego modelu wychowania, rozwijającego wspomniane właściwości, ważny wydaje się Model Obywatelskiej Współpracy, opracowany przez A. Brzezińską (2000, 2004). Jego charakterystyką jest trening upodmiotowienia, pozwalający zarówno na kształtowanie gotowości do rozwoju jednostki i jej otoczenia, jak też na samorealizację.
EN
Transgressions are innovative and creative activities. They allow people to go beyond the limits of their current functioning, thus gaining new areas of activity or creating new values. Motivation specific to transgression is hubristic motivation. The article analyzes the biographical experiences of outstanding pedagogues. – Maria Montessori and Janusz Korczak. Maria Montessori – Italian physician, education system creator and Montessori pedagogy based on the needs of the child. Transcendental biography of Janusz Korczak – doctor, pedagogue, writer, journalist, visionary. Biographies contain different spaces of transgressive activities: personal, professional, social, creative, literary. They concern the concept of education, methods of pedagogical work with the child. The accomplishments of outstanding pedagogues include immutable values.
PL
Transgresje to czynności innowacyjne i twórcze. Pozwalają człowiekowi wychodzić poza granice dotychczasowego funkcjonowania, a więc zdobywać nowe obszary działania lub tworzyć nowe wartości. Motywacją specyficzną dla transgresji jest motywacja hubrystyczna. Artykuł analizuje doświadczenia biograficzne wybitnych pedagogów – Marii Montessori i Janusza Korczaka. Maria Montessori to włoska lekarka, twórczyni systemu wychowania i pedagogiki Montessori, opartej na potrzebach dziecka. Transgresyjna biografia Janusza Korczaka dotyczy lekarza, pedagoga, pisarza, publicysty, wizjonera. Biografie zawierają różne przestrzenie działań transgresyjnych: osobistych, zawodowych, społecznych, twórczych, literackich. Odnoszą się one koncepcji wychowania, metod pracy pedagogicznej z dzieckiem. Biografie ukazują dokonania wybitnych pedagogów zawierające nieprzemijające wartości.
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