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EN
The matter of this article is to show the role of the category of a person in the creation of the image of the Polish society after the Smoleńsk catastrophe in J. Kaczyński’s speeches. Kaczyński uses the form ‘us’ to specify the community of people that think in the way he thinks. The form ‘they’ has in his speeches three tasks: it specifies people who died in the catastrophe, it specifies the group of people who support Kaczyński and collect money for sculptures etc. The third group is presented by his political enemies. Kaczyński uses also impersonal forms. The specify the political enemies and show their bad actions. The biggest enemy is the Polish government with Donald Tusk.
PL
Przedmiotem artykułu jest pokazanie roli, jaką pełni w przemówieniach Jarosława Kaczyńskiego (czyli tekstach politycznych o charakterze perswazyjnym) kategoria osoby w wykreowaniu obrazu narodu polskiego po katastrofie smoleńskiej. Kaczyński stosuje formę my dla określenia wspólnoty, którą tworzy ta część narodu, która myśli tak samo jak on. Forma oni ma w wystąpieniach Kaczyńskiego trzy zastosowania: określa tych, którzy zginęli w katastrofie, nazywa ludzi, którzy są zwolennikami J. Kaczyńskiego, prowadzą śledztwo dotyczące katastrofy, zbierają pieniądze na pomniki itp. Trzecią grupę oni prezentują przeciwnicy polityczni. Kaczyński stosuje wreszcie formy bezosobowe. Określają one wroga politycznego, pokazują jego szczególnie niegodziwe działania. Tym największym wrogiem jest polski rząd z premierem Donaldem Tuskiem.
EN
Pursuing a policy of national energy security and diversification of energy suppliers, taking advantage of decrease in the activity of American political and economic actors in the Latin America region, Beijing successfully develops a cooperation with countries of the region, giving it the rank of a „strategic partnership“. Since the foundation of the People's Republic of China, the Maoist authorities' foreign policy focused mainly on distributing the ideology and limiting the economic cooperation to the necessary minimum. This concerned mainly the third world: Asia, Africa, and Latin America. With the collapse of the Maoist radicals and implementation of the „opening to the world“ policy by Deng Xiaoping, the political cooperation with countries of Latin Amer-ica gave way to the development of trade exchange, and since there has occurred a loss of self-sufficiency in raw materials and energy, a pressure of Beijing to intensify economic cooperation, with an emphasis on this sector of the national economy, particularly sensitive, especially in the changing structure of a multipolar world, clearly increases. China, using „soft elements“ of the foreign policy, effectively builds their position in Latin America, using the potential accumulated in huge foreign exchange reserves of the state and central man-agement system for the largest economic and bank actors, creating, „incidentally“, new markets for their increasingly processed products with higher and higher degree of techno-logical advancement. Despite the intensification of cooperation, Latin American countries are becoming increasingly assertive towards China, being afraid of possible consequences of „cooling“ of the economic growth in the Middle Kingdom and development of its political influence in the region.
EN
In this keynote address, I reflect on the origin, history, past accomplishments, and guiding principles of the International Society for Universal Dialogue (ISUD). I also reflect on the future challenges facing our society and the need to critique, clarify, revi-se, and renew our core principles, values, and ideals.
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