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EN
Restorative justice is an idea which centres around repairing the harms and compensation. Itis not focused on punishment. Its essence is to engage everyone affected by the crime, both thevictim, and the offender, as well as the local community in the process of solving the problemsarising out of the crime and repairing the damage and suffering which are resulting from it. Mostof all, restorative justice allows the victims to speak as well as it makes it possible for the offenderto take responsibility for their own actions voluntarily. It is based on determining the satisfactorycompensation jointly, through dialogue and negotiations. One of the forms of restorative justice ismediation between the victim and the offender who, with the assistance of an impartial and neutralmediator, may amicably resolve any disputes resulting from the crime.
PL
Sprawiedliwość naprawcza to idea, w centrum której stawiane jest naprawienie krzywdy i zadośćuczynienie. Nie skupia się na karze. Jej istotą jest włączenie wszystkich osób doświadczonych przestępstwem, zarówno osoby poszkodowanej, jak i sprawcy, a także społeczności lokalnej, w proces rozwiązania problemów powstałych w wyniku przestępstwa oraz naprawienia szkody i cierpienia będących jego skutkiem. Sprawiedliwość naprawcza przede wszystkim dopuszcza do głosu osoby pokrzywdzone oraz umożliwia sprawcy dobrowolne przyjęcie odpowiedzialności za własne działanie. Bazuje na wspólnym ustaleniu, na drodze dialogu i negocjacji, satysfakcjonującego zadośćuczynienia. Jedną z form sprawiedliwości naprawczej są mediacje pomiędzy pokrzywdzonym a sprawcą, którzy przy pomocy bezstronnego i neutralnego mediatora mogą w sposób ugodowy rozwiązać spory powstałe w wyniku przestępstwa.
EN
The European Union is committed to protect and establish minimum standards with regard to victims of crime. Directive 2012/29/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of 25 October 2012 establishing minimum standards on the rights, support and protection of victims of crime. The Directive builds upon the key principle of the ‘role of the victim in the relevant criminal justice system’, so that any victim can rely on the same basic level of rights, regardless of their nationality and country in the EU in which the crime took place. The core objective of this Directive is to assume an individual approach to victims’ needs and to offer protection for victims of certain crimes, in particular, due to the risk of secondary victimisation. In this text, I am going to concentrate on the problem of enforcement of settlements reached in the presence of a mediator and to show samples of the results from qualitative and quantitative studies conducted in Łódź. The research aim is to show that the idea of restorative justice, in the light of the victim’s right to remedy of damage, when the settlement reached in the presence of a mediator is not performed, is fiction because it is only the perpetrator who benefits from the beneficial procedural effects of the settlement while the victim may be subject to secondary victimisation. I’d like to show a few important facts that should be taken into consideration when referring a case to mediation and when conducting a restorative justice process and current practice it in Poland.
PL
Unia Europejska zobowiązała się do ochrony i ustanawiania minimalnych standardów odnoszących się do ofiar przestępstw. Dyrektywa 2012/29/EU Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady z 2012 r. ustanowiła minimalne normy w zakresie praw, wsparcia i ochrony ofiar przestępstw. Dyrektywa opiera się na kluczowej zasadzie „roli ofiary w odpowiednim systemie wymiaru sprawiedliwości w sprawach karnych”, tak aby każda ofiara mogła mieć dostęp do tego samego podstawowego poziomu praw, niezależnie od narodowości i kraju UE, w którym przestępstwo miało miejsce. Głównym celem dyrektywy jest przyjęcie indywidualnego podejścia do potrzeb ofiar oraz zapewnienie specjalnej ochrony ofiarom niektórych przestępstw, w szczególności ze względu na ryzyko wtórnej wiktymizacji. Niniejsze opracowanie jest skoncentrowane na problemie wykonalności ugody mediacyjnej oraz przedstawieniu wyników badań jakościowych i ilościowych przeprowadzonych w apelacji łódzkiej. Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie kilku ważnych faktów, które należy wziąć pod uwagę, kierując sprawę do mediacji i przeprowadzając proces sprawiedliwości naprawczej.
EN
Restorative justice is a complex and multi-faceted concept, the introduction of whichdoes not happen in a socio-political and economic vacuum. Every society engageswith restorative justice in its own distinctive way as it is the society – lay people – thatis always on the receiving end of restorative solutions. In this article, I draw on mydoctoral research that explores qualitatively how a small number of Polish peopleunderstand punishment and justice, and how their narratives inform the viabilityof restorative approaches to justice in Poland. In other words, I propose to considera macro-sociological perspective, and how lay people’s understanding of punishmentand justice should be seen as an avenue by which to explore certain preconditions forthe viability of restorative justice.Poland’s socialist past, change of the political regime, post-communist “accession”to the international community in the West and a high level of religiosity (among manyother factors) make Poland a fascinating object of study that can, at the same time,offer insights about restorative justice in other societies. Restorative justice, introducedin the form of victim-offender mediation, was part of the post-1989 political ambitionsto change the Polish penal landscape and join the international community in the West.There were a number of forces behind the establishment of restorative justice in Poland.Given that the concept was introduced at a time when the Polish society was dealingwith the socialist legacy and creating a new democratic reality, it was also hoped thatmediation could serve as a fast-track remedy and act as an ancillary mechanism toreduce the sudden spike in court workloads after the fall of communism. In the caseof Poland, it seems that the exceptionally limited interest in mediation and the paucityof anticipated outcomes of victim-offender mediation is the problem. In order toexplore the viability of restorative justice in the Polish context, one must thereforelook beyond the legal basis and formal logistics which have been already in place formany years.My research opens up new debates on the viability of restorative justice, and thisarticle in particular fleshes out the nature of the participants’ perceptions of victimoffendermediation. In this article, I first briefly introduce the Polish model of victimoffendermediation. I then discuss the nature of the initial responses to mediationbased on the participants’ knowledge of, support for, and any experience of, victimoffendermediation. This is followed by the discussion on how the participants’ viewson mediation were articulated in the shadow of the Polish criminal justice system.Next, I explore why the participants viewed mediation as a business-like encounterand, finally, I explore the participants’ perceptions of apology – something that cameup as one of the most interesting findings of the study.The aim of this paper is to argue that the viability of restorative justice should beapproached as a process that is influenced by broader socio-economic, political andeven linguistic factors. Although the Polish model of victim-offender mediation wasinspired by the restorative justice concept, the narratives of my lay participants suggesta number of socio-cultural obstacles to the further development of restorative justicein Poland. Despite a limited knowledge of victim-offender mediation among the studyparticipants, it is clear that support for mediation is negotiated and conditional.Although victim-offender mediation was mainly perceived not as a punishment, therole and purpose of this practice was discussed against the background of the Polishcriminal justice system. Although the relationship might be defined as “uneasy” (seeShapland et al. 2006), restorative justice, since its conception, has been interwoven withthe two. One of restorative justice’s central hopes was to establish an alternative systemof crime resolution that would eliminate the infliction of pain. However, the trajectoryof restorative justice solutions in many countries demonstrates that the functioningof a majority of them is dependent on criminal justice agencies. Given the close andinseparable relationship between the two, I argue in my research that the ways in whichlay people perceive the criminal justice institutions affect their perceptions of alternativeconflict resolutions. Then, as it emerged in my fieldwork, the study participants’ perceptionof harm suggests that mediation might be seen as an avenue to focus onthe financial side of the reparation, and as result might achieve something other thanrestorative goals. The narratives of my study participants also explore the difficultyof acknowledging apology as a genuine element of the restorative encounter. Thiscould be due to looking at apology through the lens of court apology, sociolinguistic or cultural reasons. John Braithwaite in his book Restorative Justice and ResponsiveRegulation (2002) rightly indicated that “we are still learning how to do restorativejustice well” (p. 565). Nevertheless, the question whether a perfect restorative justiceprogramme is ever possible remains open.
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