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EN
In the 21st century, one of the essential roles of the Criminal Code is to protect the rights and interests of crime victims. Criminal law is a complex field that must balance established principles with evolving societal dynamics. This involves various stakeholders, including the state, perpetrators, victims, and civil society, each with differing views on criminal law. The modern era, marked by post-truth narratives and a reputational society, has further complicated matters. Casuistry now prevails over systematic approaches, leading to a disconnect between criminal law’s foundational principles and intended societal outcomes. Contemporary criminal law operates on multiple dimensions, addressing individual, societal, and institutional levels while aiming to balance the interests of these entities. The transition from the “age of information” to the “age of reputation” underscores the importance of information subjected to external evaluation. In the context of harmonizing Ukrainian criminal legislation with EU and Council of Europe norms, it is vital to protect human rights. This aligns with a Committee of Ministers recommendation that recognizes crime as a wrong against society and a violation of individual rights, emphasizing the importance of safeguarding victim rights. Approaching criminal law from a victimological perspective offers unique insights into victim participation in criminal liability, crime qualification, and offender culpability. This perspective encourages assessing the efficacy of criminal law prohibitions and promoting victim engagement in crime control.
EN
The following paper is devoted to the problem of criminal climatology. It is one of the innovative issues analyzed within the framework of ecocriminology — a new field of criminology that has been dynamically developing since the beginning of the 20th century. The issue is analysed from a national, regional and global perspective. The authors of the study analyse and synthesise the scientific achievements of ecocriminology to date, with particular emphasis on criminal problems related to climate. It should be stressed that research in this area has so far been undertaken almost exclusively in the Anglo-Saxon criminology circle. The gap in the Polish criminological literature is filled by the representatives of the Olsztyn School of Ecocriminology. At the same time, the authors of the article try to answer the question whether there are relations between climatic and weather phenomena and criminal and pathological behaviour. In the opinion of the authors, ecocriminological research may constitute a new tool to identify civilization’s threats in the area of environmental protection. Criminal climatology can therefore be a valuable source of criminological thought to fill the gaps in the existing knowledge on crime and pathological behaviours. At the same time, it is a very prospective trend in scientific analysis which requires further research work. The article discusses the genesis of criminal climatology, characterises its achievements to date, specifies the main areas of climatic threats and proposes directions for potential future scientific undertakings in this area.
EN
A child can participate in mediation in criminal cases where he/she is a party to the proceedings and in juvenile cases. This occurs in the basic situations where he/she is either the perpetrator or the victim of a criminal act. These are obviously very different roles. A child is involved in proceedings for different purposes when he/she has been wronged than when he/she is the wrongdoer. In either case, however, the child requires special protection and treatment on account of his/her physical, psychological, emotional and intellectual immaturity. The Polish legislature recognises this and has introduced special provisions for children, i.e. juvenile and youth offenders and minor victims. Mediation with juveniles has acquired its own regulations. It might not be overly popular, but it is relatively well formulated. There are no such special provisions, however, for minor victims of criminal acts. Nor has this issue been given much consideration in the literature. As if that were not worrying enough, the key statement of the courts (Supreme Court Decision I KZP 9/12 of 20 June 2012) gives additional cause for concern as it shows that the objectives and principles of mediation are not sufficiently understood by the Supreme Court. Determining whether mediation can be conducted with a child who has been wronged by a crime committed by one of his/her parents is the primary goal the authors have set themselves. This does not so much concern the normative layer – where the law does not impose any limitations – as the ability of the child to take part in a mediation meeting and the possibility of assuring him/her adequate protection. These considerations raise several detailed issues whose specifications require a “child”, a “victim” and a “wronged party”. The nature of reconciliation and forgiveness, as distinctive features of mediation agreements, have to be analysed. Whether certain types of criminal cases (and not just those involving children) are suitable for mediation proceedings is another question that has to be answered). Children are often victims of violent crimes. These types of cases are highly contentious in the context of mediation, even when the victims are adults. This issue is evaluated against the main principles of mediation, viz. that it be voluntary and that the two sides be evenly matched. Accepting the admissibility of children participating in mediation raises the following questions as to how this admissibility is to be qualified: the minimum age of the child; representation of the child by a parent, guardian or probation officer; and special mediator training. The problems identified in the study acquire a particularly drastic dimension when the perpetrators of crimes against children happen to be the children’s own parents. Mediation between a child-victim and a perpetrator-parent is so fraught with danger as to make it inadmissible in such cases. The authors’ reservations concerning mediation with minor victims do not
EN
The article presents matter of victim psychology. Victimology is the scientific study of victimization including the relationships between victims and offenders, the interaction between victims and the criminal system and the connections between victims and other societal groups and institution. The report is focused on the victims of trafficking in women for the purpose of sexual exploitation and on the victim personality, victim’s behaviour and psychological support.
Rozprawy Społeczne
|
2016
|
vol. 10
|
issue 2
24-30
PL
Wiktymologia to, zależnie od podejścia teoretycznego, samodzielna dyscyplina naukowa badająca problematykę społecznego mechanizmu stawania się ofiarą, bądź dyscyplina naukowa, nastawiona na badanie mechanizmu wiktymizacji, tj. mechanizmu stawania się ofiarą przestępstw kryminalnych, a także wypracowująca metody zapobiegające wiktymizacji, albo przynajmniej osłabiającej podatność wiktymizacyjną. Ta ostatnia rozumiana jest jako czynnik szczególnie uprawdopodobniający możliwość stania się ofiarą. Wiktymologia nie jest bynajmniej nauką, mającą służyć usprawiedliwianiu przestępców (np. gwałcicieli prowokacyjnym ubiorem kobiet), ale poszerzaniu wiedzy o społecznych mechanizmach przestępczości, rozwijaniu społecznej świadomości tego, jak określone zachowania czy życiowe wybory sprzyjają przestępstwom, jak prowokują przestępców do zachowań przestępczych, innymi słowy, w jaki sposób ofiary przestępców bezwiednie stają się ich ofiarami. Jedną z kategorii wiktymologicznych jest właśnie podatność wiktymizacyjna. Wokół tej kategorii, w kontekście metod przeciwdziałania wiktymizacji, koncentrować się będzie niniejszy artykuł.
EN
Depending on a theoretical approach, victimology is considered to be an independent scientific discipline analysing the problems of social mechanisms that lead to someone becoming a victim, or a scientific discipline focused on the mechanisms of victimization; that is, the process of becoming a victim of criminal offences, and working out the methods of preventing victimisation or, at least, diminishing the susceptibility to this phenomenon. The latter is understood as a factor that especially facilitates becoming a probable victim. Victimology is not by any means a science serving the justification of criminals’ deeds (e.g. rapists accusing women of provocative clothing) but it aims at expanding one’s knowledge of social mechanisms of crime, developing social awareness of the way certain behaviours or life choices favour crimes, provoking criminals into committing crimes. In other words, the article presents how one may become a victim unknowingly. One of the categories of victimology is susceptibility to victimisation. This article is focused on this particular area in the context of the methods preventing victimisation.
EN
In order to understand the essence of the crime, two issues have to be taken into account: not only do we analyse features of the perpetrator, but also the victim’s behaviour. Both measures have to be recognised in the light of their mutual relations. In such a case, victimology is instrumental for criminology. It answers the fundamental question: who and why becomes a victim of a crime? It is victimology that draws our attention to a post-crime victimisation problem in the psychological, social and legal aspects. These issues are particularly vital in the case of human trafficking. First, the victim of the crime has to be defined. Over the centuries, the word ‘victim’ came to have an additional meaning. Nowadays, the legal definition of a victim in many countries typically includes the following: it is a person who suffered direct or threatened physical, emotional or pecuniary harm as a result of the commission of a crime. In the Polish legal system, a legal definition of a victim is given in the Polish Charter of Victims’ Rights, whereas the Polish penal law speaks of an aggrieved party and defines it in Article 49 of the Criminal Procedure Code. However, one fact draws our attention. The aggrieved or those objectively recognised as aggrieved do not agree with such a qualification. Let us take a closer look at the reasons why they see themselves in a different role. There is no doubt that one of the reasons is the fact that victims are often qualified as persons offending the law, as criminals. Another problem, is the victims’ return to their previous life situation, which had led them to being recruited by a human trafficker. We also need to point out that the relations between human traffickers and their victims are extremely complex. However, the key issue is that there is an agreement for a crime. The decision-making processes have to be analysed. The victims of human trafficking find themselves in a situation where they have a considerable limitation of free decision making. One of the major examples reflecting these problems that always takes place in a compulsory situation in the wide sense of this expression is job undertaking which leads to the abuse of the potential worker’s situation. A very specific example is a job agency. The question that appears is when we should speak of an unlawfully acting job agent, and when we can start calling this human trafficking? Is every illegal job agency dealing with human trafficking? What is the difference between these two? And finally when does a worker become a victim and an aggrieved party? What types of slavery and slaves exist today? bounded labour affects at least 20 milion people around the world. People become bounded labourers by taking or being tricked into taking a loan for as little as the cost of medicines for a sick child. To repay the debt, many are forced to work overtime, seven days a week, up to 365 days a year. They receive basic food and shelter as ‘payment’ for their work, but may never pay off the loan, which can be passed down for another generation; eaily and forced marriage affects women and girls who are married without choice and are forced into lives of servitude often accompanied by physical violence; forced labour affects people who are illegally recruited by individuals, governments or political parties and forced to work usually under threat of violence or other penalties; slavery by descent is where people are either born into a slave class or are from a group that the society views as suited to be used as slave labour; trafficking involves the transport and/or trade of people: ‘woman, children and men’, from one area to another for the purpose of forcing them into slavery conditions; worst forms of child labour affects an estimated 179 million children around the world in work that is harmful to their health and welfare. Children work on the land, in households as domestic workers, in factories making products such as matches, fireworks and glassware, on the streets as beggars, in the outdoor industry, brick kilns, mines, construction sector, in bars, restaurants and tourist establishments, in sexual exploitation, as soldiers. It seems that pursuant to the Employment and Unemployment Countering Act (Ustawa o zatrudnieniu i przeciwdziałaniu bezrobociu) a model contrary to the one in the act can create a criminological model of modern human trafficking. It would be then running a business to gain financial benefits in the way that the businessperson exploits the position of the aggrieved party and provides the future employer with employees. The latter group, however, even if agreeing to move abroad, becomes completely dependant on the employer which is often combined with a deprivation of liberty, because they have no possibility to choose their place of staying or withdraw from the previous agreement. A number of international regulations, e.g. the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, Especially Women and Children which supplements the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime of 2000, the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography of 2000, the Slavery Convention of 1926 together with a Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery dated l956 show, that the issue under discussion still remains a contemporary problem, and needs regulations aiming at finding relevant solutions. There can be no doubts in the light of the nullum crimen sine lege certa that a precise description of the crime is essential. Only a precise definition of a separate crime of human trafficking will enable to recognise the scope of the problem and will create internationally accepted circumstances to overcome it. Such a definition must include at least: acts: recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of a person; means: threat to use or the use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, fraud, deception, abuse of power or a position of vulnerability; purposes: forced labour or services, slavery slavery-like practices or servitude. Everyone, government and non-governmental organisations, must focus on the crime which must be precisely described including a detailed description of a victim. It is highly urgent and important to harmonise all legislative measures in order to prevent human trafficking, which would guarantee an effective protection of victims and prosecution of criminals.
EN
Since the emergence of criminology as a science, one of the main problems taken up by criminologists was the relations between poverty and crime. Initially, the studies aimed to work out actions to prevent crime and to protect the rest of the society from the marginalized, the excluded and the poor. It was pointed out that that the group called the underclass was marked by criminal deeds of its members, alcohol abuse, family disruption, single parenting, dependence on social security, and physical abuse in families. Only until later, with the development of victimology, the other side started to be observed – the description of the underclass is true as much in the case of perpetrators as it is in the case of victims. It has been proved that poverty and marginalization are related to a higher risk of becoming a victim of a crime. In case of poverty and social exclusion, one can speak of a cause-effect relationship but undoubtedly this can work in both directions – poverty usually adds to social exclusion while social exclusion (particularly more severe, like e.g. ostracism) can lead to poverty. Already at the time of emergence of victimology it was observed that victimization does not concern all members of a society to the same degree. Some social groups become crime victims more often than others. Certain categories of people were recognized as particularly vulnerable to wrongful deeds. In 1947 Hans von Hentig drafted up the first categorisation of persons who were at an increased risk of victimization. It included particular categories of people whose psychological, physical, and behavioural features predispose them to the role of a victim. The author listed larger social groups (eg. young people or women) but also such groups which are included in the context of social exclusion today. He claimed that, among others, mentally ill, retarded, substance dependant are particularly vulnerable to victimisation because their limited perception of situation makes them an easier target to theft, con or fraud. He listed immigrants who are in cultural conflict and rejected by the majority as „aliens”, the poor, and people with emotional problems as all these weaknesses could be easily used by criminals. Other minorities faced similar problems. Social inequality touches upon them in a greater degree and this increases the risk of victimisation. Today, we speak of victimisation of minorities also in the context of prejudice-motivated crimes and the elderly are one of the most vulnerable groups. Benjamin Mendelsohn accented not individual features of victims but their behaviour in cer-tain situational context. According to the author, persons whose behaviour infringes principles of social co-existence and, as a consequence, who put themselves at risk of marginalization, are exactly those who can easily become victims. Living apart from the society and contrary to its rules after all influences the risk of victimization.
EN
Pathology in the academic community is not an isolated phenomenon. The various dysfunctional phenomena that appear in this community, encompassing many kinds of behaviour, have nothing to do with scientific truth or the ethos of the scholar. One such situation is the phenomenon of plagiarism in science, the genesis of which consists of numerous factors, of an institutional, institutional-organisational, group and individual nature. And in spite of the existence of relevant laws that speak of copyright, intellectual property, or misappropriation of authorship or misrepresentation of authorship of all or part of another’s work, there is no legal definition of plagiarism, and the phenomenon has still not been eliminated from contemporary science. This study analyses plagiarism from a victimological perspective, presenting what a victim of plagiarism feels when he or she has knowledge of such an incident. It uses a qualitative analytical method from the sociology of law, namely case analysis.
PL
Patologia w środowisku akademickim nie jest zjawiskiem odosobnionym. Różnorodne zjawiska dysfunkcjonalne, które pojawiają się w tej społeczności, obejmując wiele zachowań, nie mają nic wspólnego z prawdą naukową czy ethosem uczonego. Jedną z takich sytuacji jest zjawisko plagiaryzmu w nauce, na którego genezę składają się liczne czynniki mające charakter instytucjonalny, instytucjonalno-organizacyjny, grupowy i indywidualny. I mimo istnienia odpowiednich przepisów prawa, które mówią o prawie autorskim, własności intelektualnej, czy o przywłaszczaniu sobie autorstwa albo wprowadzaniu w błąd co do autorstwa całości lub części cudzego utworu, brakuje legalnej definicji plagiatu, a zjawisko to nie zostało nadal wyeliminowane ze współczesnej nauki. W niniejszym opracowaniu dokonano analizy plagiaryzmu z perspektywy wiktymologicznej, prezentując, jakie są odczucia ofiary plagiatu w sytuacji, gdy posiądzie ona wiedzę o takim zdarzeniu. Wykorzystano tu analityczną metodę jakościową z zakresu socjologii prawa, jaką jest analiza przypadku.
UK
У статті досліджено особливості віктимолого-психологічної реабілітації підлітків, які постраждали від сексуального насильства. Звернено увагу, що статистичні дані та судова практика свідчать про те, що наслідки сексуального насильства щодо неповнолітніх осіб часто є невиправними, особливо якщо дитині не було надано своєчасної допомоги. Наголошено, що сексуальне насильство за будь-яких обставин є так званою «тригерною точкою» для відліку становлення психологічних травм, які у більшості випадків призводять до виникнення в людини, особливо неповнолітньої, ретроспективного феномену, що полягає в епізодичному поверненні до події, котра завдала травми. У зв’язку з цим реабілітація таких дітей має починатися зі встановлення не тільки психологічної та фізіологічної детермінації, але й кримінолого-віктимологічних умов та фонових явищ, які в симбіозі сприяли сексуальному насильству або полегшили його вчинення. Як і під час роботи з кримінальними правопорушниками, так і з потерпілими, особливої актуальности набуває створення специфічних моделей фактичної або потенційно девіантної поведінки з виділенням кореляцій з психологічними та моральними особливостями особистости людини. Віктимологічна профілактика завжди має включати в себе виокремлення базових умов для створення девіантних настанов, які сприяли потраплянню підлітка в несприятливу ситуацію та опрацювання можливих шляхів її уникнення в ретроспективі. Будьяка реабілітація має починатися з виваженого діалогу, що надасть дитині можливість у сприятливих обставинах пропрацювати зі спеціалістом всі аспекти суспільно небезпечної події та побудувати поведінковий алгоритм, який в майбутньому дасть їй змогу уникнути віктимного рецидиву. Підсумовано, що основними реабілітаційними заходами та засобами є такі: 1) створення в неповнолітньої жертви сексуального насильства відчуття захищеності; 2) будування діалогу з урахуванням особливостей особистости дитини та події кримінального правопорушення, яке було вчинено щодо неї; 3) відпрацювання за можливості максимальної кількости тригерних зон, пов’язаних із суспільно небезпечною подією; 4) налаштування дитини на позитивний рефреймінг; 5) запобігання повторній та вторинній віктимізації; 6) закриття гештальтів, пов’язаних з епізодами сексуального насильства. Реабілітація таких дітей має відбуватися за рахунок консолідації зусиль медичних працівників, педагогів, психологів, кримінологів та віктимологів.
EN
The article examines the peculiarities of victimological and psychological rehabilitation of adolescents who suffered from sexual violence. Attention is drawn to the fact that statistical data and judicial practice show that the consequences of sexual violence against minors are often irreparable, especially if the child was not provided with timely help. It is indicated that sexual violence, in any case, is the so-called «trigger point» for counting the formation of psychological injuries, which in most cases lead to the emergence of a person, especially a minor, in a retrospective phenomenon, which consists in an episodic return to the event , which caused an injury. In this regard, the rehabilitation of such children should begin with establishing not only psychological and physiological determination, but also criminological and victimological conditions and background phenomena, which in symbiosis contributed to or facilitated the commission of sexual violence. As in the case of working with criminal offenders, as well as with victims, the creation of specific models of actual or potentially deviant behavior with the allocation of correlations with psychological and moral features of a person’s personality becomes especially relevant. Victimological prevention should always include identifying the basic conditions for the creation of deviant instructions that contributed to the adolescent getting into an unfavorable situation and working out possible ways to avoid it in retrospect. Any rehabilitation should begin with a balanced dialogue, which will give the child the opportunity in a favorable environment to work with a specialist on all aspects of a socially dangerous event and build a behavioral algorithm that will allow him to avoid victim relapse in the future. It was concluded that the main rehabilitation measures and means are: 1) creating a sense of security in the minor victim of sexual violence; 2) building a dialogue taking into account the characteristics of the child’s personality and the event of a criminal offense committed against him; 3) working out, if possible, the maximum number of trigger zones associated with a socially dangerous event; 4) adjusting the child to positive reframing; 5) prevention of repeated and secondary victimization; 6) closure of gestalts associated with episodes of sexual violence. Rehabilitation of such children should take place due to the consolidation of efforts of medical workers, teachers, psychologists, criminologists and victimologists.
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