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Linguaculture
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2012
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vol. 2012
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issue 1
103-120
EN
With its history of slavery and racial conflict, war and defeat, segregation and lynching, the South is defined by violence and aggression on a personal and community level. This experience defined Southern identity and shaped its literature to mirror the sense of frustration, guilt and shame bursting from the heart of seemingly peaceful, ordered and decent communities. Though some authors tend to see violence as a necessary transgression that will, eventually, through painful sacrifice, lay the foundation of a renewed world, others regard it as a trap or a vicious circle which does not allow the South to grow out of the illusion of a glorious past and accept present changes. William Faulkner’ short story Dry September and Harper Lee’s novel To Kill a Mockingbird deal with an alleged accusation of rape, the victim being a white woman, and the culprit, a black man. Focusing more on the white community’s attitude and telling the story from limited perspectives, the two texts investigate less the black man’s tragedy, dwelling more on the white people’s reaction and the manner in which white Southern identity and white supremacy are constructed on a foundation of violence and intolerance.
EN
The Age of Enlightenment is more global and complex than the standard Eurocentric Colonial Canon narrative presents. For example, before the advent of unscientific racism and the systematic negligence of the contributions of Others outside of “White Europe,” Raphael centered Ibn Rushd (Averroes) in his Vatican fresco “Causarum Cognitio” (1511); the astronomer Edmund Halley taught himself Arabic to be more enlightened; The Royal Society of London acknowledged the scientific method developed by Ibn Al-Haytham (Alhazen). In addition, if we study the Transatlantic texts of the late 18th century, it is not Kant, but instead enlightened thinkers like Anton Wilhelm Amo (born in present-day’s Ghana), Phillis Wheatley (Senegal region), and Toussaint L’Ouverture (Haiti), who mostly live up to the ideals of reason, humanism, universalism, and human rights. One obstacle to developing a more balanced presentation of the Age of the Enlightenment is the influence of colonialism, Eurocentrism, and methodological nationalism. Consequently, this paper, part II of two, will also deal with the European Enlightenment’s unscientific heritage of scholarly racism from the 1750s. It will be demonstrated how Linnaeus, Hume, Kant, and Hegel were among the Founding Fathers of intellectual white supremacy within the Academy.
EN
Many revisionist historians today try to make the late President Andrew Jackson out to be something that he was not—that is, a man of all the people. In our uninhibited, polarized culture, the truth should mean something. Therefore, studying the character of someone like Andrew Jackson should be fully investigated, and researched, as this work attempts to do. Indeed, this article tells us that we should not accept lies and conspiracy theories as the truth. Such revisionist history comes into sharp focus in Bradley J. Birzer’s latest book, In Defense of Andrew Jackson. Indeed, his (selective) efforts are surprisingly wrong, as he tries to give alternative explanations for Jackson’s corrupt life and political malfeasance. Hence, the lawlessness of Andrew Jackson cannot be ignored or “white washed” from American history. More important, discrediting the objective truth about Andrew Jackson, and his blatant misuse of executive power as the U.S. President should never be dismissed, like his awful treatment of Blacks and other minorities in the United States. It should have been important to Birzer to get his story right about Andrew Jackson, with a more balanced approach in regards to the man. Finally, Jackson should have tried to eliminate Black slavery in his life time, not embrace it, based on the ideas of human dignity and our common humanity. To be brutally honest, it is one thing to disagree with Andrew Jackson; but it is quite another to feel that he, as President of the United States, was on the side of all the American people during his time, because it was not true. Perhaps the biggest question is: Could Andrew Jackson have made a positive difference for every American, even Black slaves and Native Americans?
Literatura Ludowa
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2022
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vol. 66
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issue 3
93-108
EN
This article is an analysis of the HBO series Lovecraft Country in terms of the elements of racism and traditional horror elements present in it, including elements typical of the prose of one of the genre’s creators, H. P. Lovecraft. The purpose of the article is to explore typical horror elements that appear in the series and show how the authors of the series combine traditional horror with the horror of everyday life in the oppressed Black community in 1950s America. At the beginning of the article, the series and its main idea are described. The article then takes up the subject of the portrayal of racism in the series, specific examples of which are presented and discussed in terms of their compatibility with the realities of America at the time. The article also discusses elements related to the antiracism movement – situations presented in the series that exemplify the character’ struggle against racism are shown. Then the otherness depicted in the series is discussed – not only racial otherness, but also gender and sexual otherness; in this part of the article, otherness is given as a reason for oppression by society. The article also explores the use of traditional elements of horror genre in the series – it indicates which scenes in the series use the traditional concepts of the horror genre, and attempts to show which characters in the series function as monsters in the story. At the end of the article, it is explained how the series draws inspiration in the works of Lovecraft, whose name appears in the very title of the series.
EN
The Nation of Islam, commonly known as the Black Muslim movement,appeared during the Great Depression in the black ghettos of the big urban andindustrial centers in the northern United States. It was founded by W. Fard Muhammad,one of the probably most mysterious figures in the history of Black America,in whom his followers saw the incarnation of Allah. Its doctrine was a combinationof an extremely heterodox or “heretical” Islam and a separatist variety of blacknationalism. A quarter of century later, the marginal sect led by Elijah Muhammadas Messenger of Allah became the most important new religious movement to emerge in the U.S. in the twentieth century. It has proved to be the largest and longest-lived nationalist movement among the American blacks. Its activities, including the preaching of “black internationalism”, were seen by the federal authorities as a threat to national security. The outstanding revolutionary leader Malcolm X emerged from its bosom. Rooted in the lowest layers of the black working class, the Nation of Islam durably and successfully questions the liberal middle-class leadership of the northern black communities, which aspires toward integration into white society.
PL
Naród Islamu, potocznie nazywany ruchem Czarnych Muzułmanów, pojawił się podczas Wielkiej Depresji w czarnych gettach wielkich ośrodków miejsko-przemysłowych na północy Stanów Zjednoczonych. Założył go W. Fard Muhammad, bodaj najbardziej zagadkowa postać w historii czarnej Ameryki, uznana przez zwolenników za wcielenie Allaha. Jego doktryna była kombinacją skrajnie heterodoksyjnego czy „heretyckiego” islamu i czarnego nacjonalizmu. Ćwierć wieku później, pod przywództwem Elijaha Muhammada jako Wysłannika Allaha, marginalna sekta stała się najważniejszym spośród nowych ruchów religijnych, które pojawiły się w USA w dwudziestym wieku. Okazał się on największym i najdłużej istniejącym ruchem nacjonalistycznym czarnych w tym kraju. Władze federalne uznały jego działalność, w tym głoszony przezeń „czarny internacjonalizm”, za zagrożenie dla bezpieczeństwa narodowego. Z łona tego ruchu wyszedł wybitny czarny przywódca rewolucyjny, Malcolm X. Naród Islamu, zakorzeniony w najniższych warstwach czarnej klasy robotniczej, trwale i skutecznie kwestionuje liberalne kierownictwa czarnych społeczności, reprezentujące klasę średnią i aspirujące do integracji z białym społeczeństwem.
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