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Rodzinna postpamięć Ślązaków

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EN
The author suggests a possible use of postmemory to analyse the contemporary family memory of the people of Silesia. Their memoirs about WW2 (such as working for the Wehrmacht, the Red Army invading Silesia, working in labour camps, nationality verification, displacements to Germany, and deportations to Siberia) bear signs of latent memory which is rarely revealed even to the next of kin. Present mainly within the family circle, within the local society, and among friends, these memoirs integrated Silesians and made them a unique community that considers itself a stigmatized minority. This contributed to mythologizing and stereotyping the whole memory. The family memory of the past events, full of emotions and understatements, often contradicting the official version of history, has been developed by children and grandchildren who tried to learn about it and understand it. As a result of political changes that occurred in Poland after 1989 – which triggered a slow process of memory democratisation and incorporation of Silesians’ memoirs into the official history – new academic papers, memoirs, and documentaries were released. This process inspired the second and the third generations of Silesians to share ‘family myths and legends’.
EN
The paper is an English translation of the chapter Odpowiedzialność za pieniądz na terytorium okupowanym from Pieniądz na terytorium okupowanym. Studium prawnomiędzynarodowe ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem praktyki niemieckiej by Krzysztof Skubiszewski published originally in Polish by Instytut Zachodni Publishing House in 1960. The text is published as a part of a jubilee edition of the Adam Mickiewicz University Law Review “100th Anniversary of the Faculty of Law and Administration” devoted to the achievements of the late Professors of the Faculty of Law and Administration of the Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznań.
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Ludzie teatru – więźniowie Pawiaka (1939–1944)

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EN
In order to “solve the Polish issue”, which had always troubled the Germans and the Soviets so much, in 1939 the two invaders decided they had to kill the Polish elites of patriots who, after decades of being under the foreign rule during the partitions period, had managed to build the independent Polish state in just twenty years. Among them were teachers and university professors, priests, social and political activists, doctors, writers and artists. In Warsaw, the capital of the General Government of Poland, which was to become “as German a country as the Rhineland”, the process of “freeing the German nation from the Poles and Jews” often started at Pawiak, the Gestapo gaol on Dzielna Street, also known as the “human slaughterhouse”. This was the place where the Poles caught during random street arrests, or roundups, were detained unless they were shipped to the Third Reich for forced labour right away. They joined the prisoners arrested “individually”: potential troublemakers who might oppose the German rule, those accused of sabotaging German military equipment or “illegal activities”, i.e. working for the underground. They were penalised for un-Aryan descent or for rescuing Jews. They were tortured during bestial interrogations at the headquarters of the Nazi Sicherheitspolizei and Sicherheitsdienst on Szucha Avenue, and then they were shipped to concentration camps, sometimes with death sentences already. Others were simply executed right away. Such was also the fate of many actors and men of theatre gaoled at Pawiak. They, too, had been caught in roundups or arrested for their involvement in the underground. Some of them were to be remembered for many years to come by those few and fortunate who survived. Through their tales, recitations, song singing and theatre life gossips told to other Pawiak inmates at night, they were able to escape for a short while from the grim and terrifying reality, thus saving themselves and others from nervous breakdown. “By introducing patriotic notes, full of hope and optimism”, they sometimes managed to give fellow prisoners much needed encouragement.
PL
Tekst dotyczy przymusowych deportacji polskich kobiet i ich rodzin w głąb ZSRR podczas II wojny światowej. Przedmiotem analizy były strategie przetrwania traumatycznej sytuacji, jakim było zesłanie. Próbowano ustalić, jaka była rola różnorodnych zasobów: materialnych, społecznych, kulturowych i symbolicznych w warunkach deportacji. Materiał empiryczny pochodzi z: a) 53 wywiadów kwestionariuszowych i 10 wywiadów pogłębionych zrealizowanych wśród Sybiraków lubuskich; b) niepublikowanych wspomnień kobiet zarchiwizowanych w zbiorach Polskiego Towarzystwa Ludoznawczego we Wrocławiu; c) opublikowanych autobiograficznych wspomnień zesłańców. Podstawą teoretyczną wykorzystaną w tekście są dwie koncepcje: traumy autorstwa P. Sztompki i koncepcja kapitałów P. Bourdieu.
EN
The text concerns the forced deportation of Polish women and their families into the USSR during the Second World War. Strategies of surviving the traumatic situation of exile were the subject of the analysis. It was attempted to determine the role of diverse resources: material, social, cultural and symbolic ones during exile. The empirical material is from: a) 53 questionnaire interviews and 10 in-depth interviews conducted among inhabitants of Lubuskie region who were former deportees; b) unpublished memories archived in the collections of the Polish Ethnological Society in Wroclaw; c) published autobiographical memories of exile. There were two theoretical basis used in the text: P. Sztompka’s conception of trauma and the concept of capitals of P. Bourdieu.
EN
The goal of this study is an analysis of the newspaper articles recalling the events on the Eastern front during World War II. The study attempts at answering the following questions: how did the information published in the newspaper reflect reality? Also, how are the events from the considered timeline of the clash in the East described? Based on the information in the “Nowy Głos Lubelski”, the author focuses on a critical moment when the initiative slowly shifts to the Soviet side. This article outlines how the information regarding the most important Eastern front events was conveyed to the people of the occupied lands through the medium of “Nowy Głos Lubelski”.
PL
Celem niniejszej pracy jest przeanalizowanie artykułów prasowych wspominajacych tematykę frontu wschodniego w czasie II wojny światowej. Autor próbuje odpowiedzieć w jaki sposób informacje w nich zawarte odzwierciedlają faktyczne wydarzenia?, a także: w jaki sposób opisane są zdarzenia mające wpływ na przebieg starć na wschodzie? W swoich rozważaniach nad informacjami zawartymi w „Nowym Głosie Lubelskim” Autor skupia się nad momentem, kiedy inicjatywa powoli przechodzi na stronę sowiecką. Analizuje w jaki sposób informacje o najważniejszych wydarzeniach z frontu wschodniego przekazywane były ludności terenów okupowanych za pośrednictwem „Nowego Głosu Lubelskiego”.
RU
Целью данной работы является анализ статей в прессе, напоминающих о теме Восточного фронта во время Второй мировой войны. Автор пытается ответить, как содержащаяся в нем информация отражает реальные события? А также: как описываются события, влияющие на ход столкновений на востоке? В своих размышлениях об информации, содержащейся в «Новом Глосе Люблинском», автор акцентирует внимание на том моменте, когда инициатива медленно переходит на советскую сторону. В нем анализируется, как информация о наиболее важных событиях с Восточного фронта передавалась населению оккупированных районов через «Новый голос Люблинский».
EN
Of all dioceses in Poland, the diocese of Włocławek suffered the greatest losses of the clergy during World War II: 225 priests and 7 seminarians were killed along with Auxiliary Bishop M. Kozal, which accounted for 50,2% of the pre-war clergy. The whole diocese was annexed to Nazi Germany; most of the territory, including Włocławek, became part of the so-called Reichsgau Wartheland, and the Zawiślański region (20 parishes) became part of The Reichsgau Danzig-West Prussia. Due to the approaching military operations, Wrocław Bishop Karol Radoński, Cardinal August Hlond and Bishop Stanisław Okoniewski left the diocese. During the first months of the war, a great number of the priests from Włocławek and its region were arrested; some of them were deported to the camps in Dachau and others were shot, only few managed to survive. Religious congregations and monasteries met the similar fate. Monastic houses were gradually dissolved. Of 249 parishes of the diocese of Włocławek (including two military ones) only 5 left in The Reichsgau Wartheland; the parishes of the Zawiślański region, however, were allowed to function and the Germans tolerated the activity of some priests. The priests both from these tolerated parishes and underground ones limited their pastoral work to administering sacraments and celebrating Holy Masses primarily in the presbytery and other parish or private buildings. The masses were addressed only to the selected members of the faithful. The Germans, being driven by hatred for the Church, demolished churches, destroyed crosses, paintings, figures, roadside shrines and church decorations.
PL
Spośród wszystkich diecezji w Polsce, diecezja włocławska w czasie drugiej wojny światowej poniosła największe straty w stanie duchowieństwa: wraz z bp. Pomocniczym M. Kozalem zginęło 225 kapłanów i 7 kleryków, tj. 50,2% stanu przedwojennego. Cały obszar diecezji znalazł się w obrębie ziem anektowanych do III Rzeszy; większość terytorium wraz z Włocławkiem należało do tzw. Kraju Warty, a część tzw. zawiślańska (20 parafii) weszła w skład Okręgu Gdańsk-Prusy Zachodnie. W obliczu zbliżających się działań wojennych biskup włocławski Karol Radoński wraz z kardynałem Augustem Hlondem i biskupem Stanisławem Okoniewskim opuścili diecezję. W pierwszych miesiącach wojny zdecydowana część duchowieństwa Włocławka i okolic została aresztowana i wywieziona do obozu w Dachau, a część rozstrzelana; uratowali się tylko nieliczni. Podobny spotkał zgromadzenia zakonne i klasztory. Sukcesywnie likwidowano domy zakonne. Na 249 parafii diecezji włocławskiej (w tym dwie wojskowe) w Kraju Warty czynnych było tylko pięć, funkcjonowały natomiast parafie „zawiślańskie”, gdzie Niemcy tolerowali działalność kilku księży. Księża zarówno z duszpasterstwa tolerowanego, jak i tajnego swoją pracę duszpasterską ograniczali właściwie tylko do dostępu wiernych do sakramentów świętych, ewentualnie odprawienia mszy św. i to nie zawsze w kościele, ale często na plebanii, organistówce lub w domu prywatnym, i to tylko dla pewnej grupy wiernych. Niemcy kierując się nienawiścią do Kościoła, burzyli świątynie, niszczyli krzyże, obrazy, figury, kapliczki przydrożne i wystrój kościołów.
EN
The post-war picture of damage to parish churches of the Lublin diocese presented in the paper was based on the material gathered primarily in the Archdiocesan Archive of Lublin. The sources for the tabular study are derived from the forms containing information on damage to churches. These forms were sent by the administrators of the parishes to the Curia in Lublin in 1948. Their analysis reveals that a great number of churches in the Lublin diocese were affected by war. The deaneries which suffered the most serious damage were as follows: Zamość, Hrubieszów, Tarnogród, Tomaszów (south-east and east ones) as well as Puławy and Opole (west deaneries). Due to the shortage of material, it was impossible to present the whole damage done to all the churches in the Lublin diocese. The fragmentary presentation of the losses the parish churches in the Lublin diocese sustained during World War II shows that in most cases the external elements of the churches were damaged: roofs, towers, window panes, walls, fences; moreover, several churches were converted into granaries or Orthodox churches, while others were burnt down. The commitment of the faithful engaged in rebuilding the churches, as well as the Committee for the Reconstruction of the Churches in the Lublin Diocese set up by the Ordinary Bishop of Lublin, Stefan Wyszyński,  played the major role in the restoration of the ruined churches.
PL
Przedstawiony w tekście powojenny obraz zniszczeń kościołów parafialnych diecezji lubelskiej, został oparty na materiale zgromadzonym przede wszystkim w lubelskim Archiwum Archidiecezjalnym. Podstawą do jego tabelarycznego opracowania stały się formularze zawierające informacje o zniszczeniach kościołów, nadsyłane w 1948 roku przez administratorów poszczególnych parafii do kurii biskupiej w Lublinie. Z ich zestawienia wynika, że znaczna liczba świątyń diecezji lubelskiej została dotknięta skutkami wojny. Największych zniszczeń doznały dekanaty południowo-wschodnie i wschodnie jak dekanat: zamojski, hrubieszowski, tarnogrodzki, tomaszowski, ale także dekanaty zachodnie jak: puławski i opolski. Z uwagi na braki w materiale archiwalnym nie było możliwe ukazanie w tekście pełnej skali zniszczeń, z uwzględnieniem wszystkich kościołów diecezji lubelskiej. Z przedstawionego przeze mnie cząstkowego obrazu strat w świątyniach parafialnych diecezji lubelskiej po II wojnie światowej wynika, że na skutek działań wojennych przeważająca liczba kościołów doznała uszkodzeń zewnętrznych w postaci zniszczonych pokryć i wież, wybitych szyb, uszkodzonych ścian, parkanów; ponadto kilka świątyń zamieniono na magazyny zbożowe, na cerkwie prawosławne lub też zostało spalonych. Ofiarność wiernych, zaangażowanych w odbudowę miejsc kultu, a także powołany przez biskupa ordynariusza lubelskiego – Stefana Wyszyńskiego – Komitet Odbudowy Kościołów Diecezji Lubelskiej odegrały największą rolę w reparacji uszkodzonych i odbudowie zrujnowanych świątyń.
EN
The text is about Poles who in 1941, as a result of the so-called amnesty, left the Soviet Union and wandered the earth to end up in Lebanon. Their presence in this country was a phenomenon unprecedented in the Middle East region. The biggest wave of Polish refugees came to Lebanon in the years 1943–1946 and had ca. 6000 people for whom Lebanon became a truly safe haven. This continued till the beginning of the 1950s, when the last group off Poles left the country. Most of them never came back to their home country, settling mostly in Great Britain and beyond the Ocean, while only a handful of them remained in Lebanon.  The text discusses the accounts given by the so-called “Lebanese”, as those Poles who at some point of their lives found refuge in Lebanon call themselves. The accounts were recorded in Poland, Great Britain and Lebanon. “The Lebanese” explained the motives that drove people or their families forced to leave their place of stay when taking decisions regarding new destination. Also, the text describes in detail the impressions of the narrators from the new places they found themselves in and how they coped in new reality (on the example of Great Britain and Poland which was a Communist-ruled country at that time). The text aims to familiarize the audience with this subject, about which not much has been said so far.
PL
The text is about Poles who in 1941, as a result of the so-called amnesty, left the Soviet Union and wandered the earth to end up in Lebanon. Their presence in this country was a phenomenon unprecedented in the Middle East region. The biggest wave of Polish refugees came to Lebanon in the years 1943–1946 and had ca. 6000 people for whom Lebanon became a truly safe haven. This continued till the beginning of the 1950s, when the last group off Poles left the country. Most of them never came back to their home country, settling mostly in Great Britain and beyond the Ocean, while only a handful of them remained in Lebanon. The text discusses the accounts given by the so-called “Lebanese”, as those Poles who at some point of their lives found refuge in Lebanon call themselves. The accounts were recorded in Poland, Great Britain and Lebanon. “The Lebanese” explained the motives that drove people or their families forced to leave their place of stay when taking decisions regarding new destination. Also, the text describes in detail the impressions of the narrators from the new places they found themselves in and how they coped in new reality (on the example of Great Britain and Poland which was a Communist-ruled country at that time). The text aims to familiarize the audience with this subject, about which not much has been said so far.
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