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EN
This article describes and interprets two divination rituals of the so-called small secondary funeral in the village of Kutuln. These relate to a bad death, which occurs when people die prematurely or inappropriately. Africans feel fear toward the dead who in life were bad people and those who died a bad death. The concept of a bad death for Africans presents their approach to life, the time of death and the moral evaluation of dead people, as a premature or unusual death is not accidental. A bad death explains the course of human life and has an impact on the burial of the deceased and his fate in the afterlife. Africans believe that those who die a bad death, do not leave the sphere of human life and do not pass into the land of their ancestors. People who die a bad death are deprived of a normal burial and extensive secondary funeral, and the living will never respect them and called upon them through prayers and sacrifices. Small secondary funerals among the Konkomba are limited to the divining rites, which last one day. The course of divination is similar in small and large secondary funerals. The initial phase of divination using 10 cowrie shells is decisive and important. During the long speech, Bingo, the main diviner or the master reveals and explains the causes of the bad death and propose preventive measures designed to remove ritual impurity and the propitiation of supernatural beings. The cause of death of the woman Mafimbi were quarrels and disagreements with her husband in the village of Bwana, caused by her lover Nbale. She would have happily married him, but her father did not agree to it. Her lover Nbale persuaded Mafimbi not to eat or drink in the home of her husband. The second case concerns the death of a nameless girl who died on the day of her birth because of quarreling parents: her father Bindifrim and her mother Ndodebu living in the village of Jinjinabi. Noteworthy is the attitude of dependence on help, during the divining rites, of the god Uwumbor, spirits of the Earth, clan protective spirits, gnome bush spirits, twin spirits, ancestor spirits, and especially spirits of dead diviners. Help from these supernatural beings is essential during the rites of divination, in order to properly explain the circumstances and causes of death of deceased persons. Divination by using three sticks as complementary only confirms the previously given causes of death. It should be noted that during these divining rites, small and large secondary funerals also have a didactic and moralistic dimension, because they teach people respect for tradition, preservation of social norms and moral order in the life of the individual and community.
EN
In this article, I presented a few remarks on the magical practices of Christians, which can be found in late antiquity (IV and V century) ecclesiastical normative texts such as files of synods, Canones Patrum Greacorumor Constitutiones Apostolorum. The problem of magical practices practiced by Christians concerned the entire area of the Roman Empire and was associated mainly with the remains (in some western provinces very strong) pagan cults, and also with the fact that not all residents of the Empire adopted the Christian religion. In the Church documentary sources, we can not find much records about the issue that interests us. Mainly we have a ban on practicing magic, fortune-telling, attending diviners, preparing spells and drinks. For all these offenses, of course, the appropriate penalties, most often temporary exclusion from the community with the Church. Why are these rules so general? The most probable answer is that then everyone knew why he was going to an astrologer, wizard, magician or fortune-teller and what he could expect (for many probably there were numerous visits) and there was no point detailing it in the following canons. Perhaps the whole set of apostasy was also included in magical practices (without specific mentioning them in the content of the recipe), but there was no need to repeat and remind christians about it frequently. Hierarchs paid more attention to the fight against paganism, punishments and inventing remedies.
PL
W artykule zaprezentowałem kilka uwag dotyczących praktyk magicznych chrześcijan, które odnaleźć można w późnoantycznych (IV i V w.) kościelnych tekstach normatywnych takich jak akta synodów, Canones Patrum Greacorum czyConstitutiones Apostolorum. Problem praktyk magicznych uprawianych przez chrześcijan dotyczył całego obszaru Cesarstwa Rzymskiego i związany był głównie z pozostałościami (w niektórych prowincjach zachodnich bardzo silnymi) kultów pogańskich, a także z tym, że nie wszyscy mieszkańcy Imperium przyjęli religię chrześcijańską. W źródłach dokumentowych Kościoła niewiele znajdziemy zapisów dotyczących interesującego nas zagadnienia. Głównie odnajdujemy zakazy uprawiania magii, wróżenia, uczęszczania do wróżbitów, przyrządzania zaklęć oraz napojów. Za wszystkie te wykroczenia groziły oczywiście odpowiednie kary, najczęściej czasowego wyłączenia ze wspólnoty z Kościołem.
EN
In his encyclical Fides et Ratio, John Paul II mentioned St. Thomas Aquinas as a “master of the art of thinking,” emphasizing his ability to reconcile faith and reason. Undoubtedly, Aquinas’ great merit is the improvement of the philosophical tools inherited from Aristotle and its application in the process of rationalizing revealed truths. St. Thomas also made use of these tools in his successful attempt to address themes as irrational as magic and divination. Aquinas refers to the philosophical concept of efficient causality, the intellectual and sensory part of the human soul, and the sign understood as a material mediator in the process of communication. The use of these concepts allowed St. Thomas to rationally undertake a number of questions related to fortune-telling and magic, such as to what extent it is possible to rationally justify fortune-telling, why the influence of celestial bodies cannot determine human fate, or what is the source of the effectiveness of the specialists in magic.
PL
Jan Paweł II w encyklice Fides et ratio wskazał na św. Tomasza z Akwinu jako na „mistrza sztuki myślenia”, podkreślając jego umiejętność godzenia wiary i rozumu. Ogromną zasługą Akwinaty pozostaje z całą pewnością udoskonalenie odziedziczonego po Arystotelesie filozoficznego instrumentarium oraz wykorzystanie go w procesie racjonalizacji prawd objawionych. Instrumentarium to posłużyło św. Tomaszowi również w podjętej przezeń z powodzeniem próbie zmierzenia się z zagadnieniami tak nieracjonalnymi, jak magia i wróżbiarstwo. Akwinata odwołuje się w niej do filozoficznych koncepcji przyczynowości sprawczej, intelektualnej i zmysłowej części ludzkiej duszy oraz znaku, pojętego jako materialny pośrednik w procesie komunikacji. Wykorzystanie tych koncepcji pozwoliło św. Tomaszowi odnieść się w sposób racjonalny do szeregu problemów związanych z wróżbiarstwem i magią, takich jak: na ile przepowiadanie przyszłości znajduje swoje racjonalne uzasadnienie, dlaczego wpływ ciał niebieskich nie może determinować ludzkiego losu, czy też skąd pochodzi skuteczność działania mistrzów magii.
EN
The subject of the article is a terminological reflection on the definition and interpretation of magic and witchcraft in the light of research by anthropologists and scholars of religion from the second half of the XIX c. to contemporary times. The views of evolutionists E. B. Tylor and J. G. Frazer, sociologists E. Durkheim, H. Hubert and M. Mauss, social anthropologist B. K. Malinowski, philosopher E. Cassirer and structuralist C. Lévi-Strauss are discussed. The principle criterion differentiating religion from magic is man referring to supernatural powers and beings. Practicing magic is socially approved of and has as its goal the good of an individual or social group. In the life of nonliterate peoples, religion and magic are united and that is why we speak of the religious-magical character of their beliefs, rituals and behaviour. Contemporary anthropologists and scholars of religion treat magic and religion as a field complementary and closely related with each other in the cultures of nonliterate peoples. Magic must be differentiated from witchcraft, whose goal is to conjure evil upon a person or community. E. E. Evans-Pritchard identified among the Azande people (southern Sudan) two types of wizardry: acquired sorcery which meant that the sorcerer consciously uses mixtures, spells and rites attempting to conjure evil and inborn witchcraft in which the witch based upon inherited psychic power unconsciously injures others by sending or activating a certain substance. This division is not universally applied in Africa, since inborn witchcraft appears much more rarely among African peoples than acquired sorcery. Faith in charms fulfils a cognitive, psychological, social, political and legal role. At the dawn of modern transformations in Africa, witchcraft is linked with jealousy, hidden aggression, social and economic inequality and the desire for power. On the one hand, Africanists stress the increase in witchcraft practices and a return to anti-witchcraft movements, and on the other hand, they draw attention to the fact that modernization and secularization related with it slowly contribute to lessening searching for explanations of misfortunes, illness and death in witchcraft beliefs.
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