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2023
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vol. 17
|
issue 3
35-51
PL
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest skonfrontowanie brazylijskiego systemu prawnego z aktualnymi propozycjami poprawek w Ustawie o zwalczaniu terroryzmu, wynikającymi z aktualnej niestabilnej sytuacji politycznej w Brazylii, która osiągnęła punkt kulminacyjny podczas wydarzeń z 8 stycznia 2023 r., kiedy zwolennicy byłego prezydenta wtargnęli do budynków rządowych pod pretekstem zakwestionowania wyników wyborów. Założeniem artykułu jest zbadanie, czy te propozycje poprawek są zgodne z zasadami leżącymi u podstaw naszej demokracji konstytucyjnej i czy mogą sprzyjać rzeczywistemu wzmocnieniu demokracji.
EN
The study indicates that science is the basis for the development of modern information civilization. It is regarded as an essential factor of development in Poland. Research and education are embedded in the constitutional regulation of the Republic of Poland and the legal order of the national, European and global level. Today’s pace of cultural and civilization transformation causes the occurrence of some contradictions in the achievement of the constitutional principles and communicated new legal standards to higher education. The space conflict means especially the achievement of the Polish scientific and academic traditions in connection with the European standards (European Union) and the global standards (philosophy of postmodernism).
PL
W opracowaniu wskazuje się, że nauka stanowi podstawę rozwoju współczesnej cywilizacji informacyjnej. W Polsce postrzegana jest jako podstawowy czynnik rozwoju. Prowadzenie badań naukowych oraz edukacji osadzone jest w regulacji konstytucyjnej RP oraz porządku prawnym o zasięgu krajowym, europejskim i globalnym. Współczesne tempo przekształceń kulturowo-cywilizacyjnych powoduje rodzenie się niektórych sprzeczności w urzeczywistnianiu zasad konstytucyjnych oraz ogłaszanych wciąż nowych norm prawnych odnoszących się do szkolnictwa wyższego. Przestrzeń sprzeczności stanowi zwłaszcza urzeczywistnianie polskiej tradycji naukowej i akademickiej w powiązaniu za standardami europejskimi (Unii Europejskiej) oraz globalnymi (filozofii postmodernizmu).
PL
The study contains the results of analysis of the Polish constitutional regulations in a scope of the environmental protection. Main thesis of the paper concerns a substantial role of the hunting law in realization of the environmental safety. At the beginning of paper, author scrutinized main terms, which influence legal definition of the term “ecological safety”. In the second part of the paper author described the polish hunting law regulations and its role in implementing the concept of the environmental safety. In the last part, author summarized and proved that polish hunting law regulations are in accordance with the constitution rule of the ecological safety and that it supports implementation of this rule.
4
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Dobro wspólne

63%
EN
The concept of the common good is a wider concept than the concept of public interest, which has for years been the focus of interest of the doctrine and judicial decisions. At the time of the current State crisis, the fundamental elements of which are discussed in the paper, a reflexion on the common good seems to be of particular importance for the protection of the fundamentals of the idea and the realisation of the rule of law. Both are anchored in the Constitution but have significant consequences for the evaluation of actions taken by public administration. Furthermore, as the doctrine shows, while public interest concerns a collective action, the common good requires the protection of an individual, their dignity and legal position. It has also been shown that the common good may be put in jeopardy as a result of the infringement of the principles according to which public administration functions. Possible concretisations of the concept of the common good in administrative law and consequently in the sphere of the performance of tasks or management in administration have been proposed and relevant directions of research programmes recommended.
PL
Pojęcie dobra wspólnego jest pojęciem szerszym niż pojęcie interesu publicznego, na którym przez lata skupiała się uwaga doktryny i orzecznictwa. W obecnych czasach kryzysu państwa, którego podstawowe elementy omówiono w opracowaniu, refleksja nad pojęciem dobra wspólnego wydaje się szczególnie ważna dla ochrony podstaw idei oraz realizacji rządów prawa. Zakotwiczone w konstytucji ma także poważne konsekwencje dla oceny działań administracji publicznej, jak wskazuje bowiem doktryna, o ile interes publiczny dotyczy zawsze zbiorowości, o tyle dla dobra wspólnego może być niezbędna np. ochrona jednostki, jej godności, pozycji prawnej. Wskazano także, jak naruszenie zasad działania administracji publicznej w procesie legislacyjnym zagraża dobru wspólnemu. W artykule ukazano możliwe konkretyzacje pojęcia dobra wspólnego w prawie administracyjnym. Dotyczyć to może zarówno zadań administracji, jak i wykonywania kierownictwa w administracji publicznej. Przedstawiono postulaty badawcze w tym zakresie.
PL
The study contains the results of analysis of the Polish constitutional regulations in a scope of the environmental protection. Main thesis of the paper concerns a substantial role of the hunting law in realization of the environmental safety. At the beginning of paper, author scrutinized main terms, which influence legal definition of the term “ecological safety”. In the second part of the paper author described the polish hunting law regulations and its role in implementing the concept of the environmental safety. In the last part, author summarized and proved that polish hunting law regulations are in accordance with the constitution rule of the ecological safety and that it supports implementation of this rule.
EN
The author presents the principles of religious law of the Republic of Uzbekistan. They come from the relationships of State to religion and religious organzations, shaped and conditioned by history, the prevailing social climate and the geopolitical situation. The first section presents a historical-political sketch of Uzbekistan taking into account the structure of religious. In the second section are listed the source of religious law of the Republic and described the principles: the principle of deideologization of state, the principle of separation and independence of state and religious associations, the principle of equality, the principle of consciences freedom, belief and choice of religion. In the third section briefly introduces the actual state of religious freedom in the State, arising mainly from the application of these principles by the authorities.
PL
Autor przedstawia zasady prawa religijnego Republiki Uzbekistanu. Wynikają one ze stosunku państwa do religii i organizacji religijnych, ukształtowanych i uwarunkowanych przez historię, panujący klimat społeczny oraz sytuację geopolityczną. W pierwszej części przedstawiono szkic historyczno-polityczny Uzbekistanu z uwzględnieniem struktury wyznaniowej. W części drugiej wymieniono źródła prawa wyznaniowego Rzeczypospolitej oraz opisano zasady: zasadę deideologizacji państwa, zasadę rozdziału i niezależności państw oraz związków wyznaniowych, zasadę równości, zasadę wolności sumienia, wyznania i wyboru religii. W części trzeciej pokrótce przedstawiono rzeczywisty stan wolności religijnej w państwie, wynikający głównie ze stosowania tych zasad przez władze.
EN
The aim of the article is to analyse a relation between the principle of separation of powers and the idea of sovereignty of people from the 17th to the 19th century. The research examines conceptions of the separation of powers formulated by most significant thinkers for the development of this idea (John Locke, David Hume, Montesquieu, and Benjamin Constant). Moreover, some remarks referring to the separation of powers that are present in a thought of Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Alexis de Tocqueville are taken into account, too. The article shows that for the majority of researched thinkers the idea of separation of powers is, more or less, connected with a division of sovereignty. It means that it is possible to fully realize an actual separation of powers only in a state where at least legislative and executive powers are vested in separate institutions that have radical different kind of legitimization, for instance a legislative body is elected by people, but the executive is exercised by a hereditary king. Under such circumstances various powers are essentially separated and independent from each other. All in all, the separation of powers in its original meaning has in principle only moderate democratic character and is not fully applicable in democracy.
PL
Kiedy definiujemy treść istotnych elementów demokratycznego państwa prawa, należy wziąć pod uwagę w szczególności fakt, że ta koncepcja odgrywa pięć moż­liwych ról w systemie konstytucyjnym Republiki Czeskiej: klauzula wieczności, ramy odniesienia w przeglądzie konstytucyjnym, materialny rdzeń konstytucji, tożsamość konstytucyjna Republiki Czeskiej oraz zestaw podstawowych wartości czeskiej konstytucji. Niezbędne elementy demokra­tycznego państwa prawa, w związku z ideami założycielskimi Konstytucji Republiki Czeskiej, za­wierają element uniwersalny i szczególny. Trudno sobie wyobrazić tożsamość konstytucyjną, która tylko powiela konstytucyjne tożsamości innych państw, z drugiej strony nawet w czeskiej tożsa­mości konstytucyjnej z pewnością jest miejsce dla czeskich twórców konstytucyjnych, by zaakcep­tować uniwersalne zasady uznane w rodzinie zachodnich demokracji. To dalej określa szczególne zasady rozumiane jako podstawowe elementy demokratycznego państwa prawa w rozumieniu art. 9 ust. 2 czeskiej konstytucji.
EN
When defining the content of essential elements of a democratic Rechtsstaat/ rule of law, it is necessary to take into account in particular the fact that this concept plays five possible roles in the constitutional system of the Czech Republic: the eternity clause, the frame of reference in constitutional review, the material core of the Constitution, the constitutional identity of the Czech Republic, and as a set of core values of the Czech Constitution. Essential elements of a democratic rule of law, in connection with the founding ideas of the Constitution of the Czech Republic, contain both a universal and a specific component. It is hard to imagine a constitutional identity that only duplicates the constitutional identities of other states, on the other hand even in the Czech constitutional identity there is certainly room for the Czech Constitutional Framers to accept the universal principles recognized in the family of Western democracies. This further defines the particular principles understood as essential elements of a democratic rule of law, in the meaning of Art. 9 para. 2 of the Czech Constitution.
EN
Rapid increases in imprisonment rates and the adoption of severe penal policies in some countries have, in recent years, prompted a burgeoning scholarly literature on the determinants of penal policy. However, much of this literature may be asking the wrong question. The authors typically focussed on the causes of harsher penal policies and offered explanations. However, it seems more reasonable to ask what recent changes in penal policy tell us about the country itself. The paper shows that crossnational differences in penal policy tell us important things about differences in penal culture, and that decisive changes in penal culture may both indicate and portend major, and sometimes regrettable, changes in larger political cultures. The paper has been divided into three sections, each addressing a separate question. The first considers the reasons for penal policies in Britain, Australia, the U.S., and elsewhere becoming harsher over the final three decades of the twentieth century. The short answer is that the question is based on a false premise. Only in some places did penal policies become harsher and in importantly different ways. The assumption that penal policies everywhere tightened over that period is wrong. The second addresses the questions of why penal policies in particular countries did and did not become more severe. A wide range of explanations are available. They range from national differences in constitutional arrangements, the organisation of criminal justice systems, the nature of the mass media, and the nature of national politics to fortuities of personality and event. The key points, however, are that, at day's end, policies are chosen and choices have consequences. The third question is why policy choices matter. One answer, of course, is that they matter because they affect what happens to individual human beings. Another important reason why they matter is that policies adopted and implemented sometimes change the world and sometimes change the ways people think. Repressive policies, rationalised and justified, and in due course followed, desensitise us to the reasons why at the outset they appeared to be repressive and make it easier, when new controversial issues about crime control policies arise, to adopt even more repressive policies. America, over the past 30 years, England for the past 15 years, and other countries for different periods, have through their changes in penal policies changed their penal cultures in ways that portend ill for the future.
PL
Przedmiotem niniejszego opracowania uczyniono kwestię związaną z konstytucyjnym prawem obywateli do zabezpieczenia społecznego w razie osiągnięcia wieku emerytalne-go. Autorka wskazuje jakie zasady konstytucyjne gwarantują ochronę świadczeń emery-talno-rentowych, jak również podaje przykłady wypowiedzi Sądu Najwyższego i Trybu-nału Konstytucyjnego, którzy w swych wyrokach odnosili się do problematyki związanej z zabezpieczeniem społecznym. W niniejszym opracowaniu podano również, jaki za-kres swobody w kwestii zabezpieczenia społecznego Konstytucja przyznaje ustawodaw-cy oraz w jakich granicach ustawodawca może działać w zakresie wyboru rozwiązań słu-żących realizacji tego prawa.
EN
The subject of this article is the issue of the constitutional right of citizens to social security when reaching the retirement age. The author points out the constitutional principles which guarantee the protection of pension benefits and gives examples of statements of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Tribunal with respect to the issue of social security schemes in their judgments. This article also discusses the scope of freedom which the Constitution grants to a legislator and the boundaries within which a legislator may act as far as the selection of solutions for the implementation of this right is concerned.
EN
The article is an attempt to answer the question about the validity of shifting the burden of proof to the taxpayer in the case of proceedings regarding undisclosed income. Attention was paid to the analysis of both applicable legal provisions, as well as the views of legal doctrine and their implications in the jurisprudence of administrative courts, the Constitutional Tribunal and the Supreme Administrative Court. One of the fundamental questions is whether it is possible to prove and learn the truth in these proceedings, taking into account the shift of the burden of proof to the taxpayer. Civil law implications (Article 6 of the Civil Code) and their impact on tax proceedings are also important issues.
PL
Artykuł stanowi próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie o zasadność przeniesienia ciężaru dowodu na podatnika w przypadku postępowania dotyczącego dochodów nieujawnionych. Uwagę poświęcono zarówno analizie obowiązujących przepisów prawnych, jak i poglądom doktryny prawa oraz ich implikacjom w orzecznictwie sądów administracyjnych, Trybunału Konstytucyjnego (TK) i Naczelnego Sądu Administracyjnego (NSA). Jedno z zasadniczych pytań brzmi: czy istnieje możliwość dowiedzenia i poznania prawdy w tym postępowaniu, jeśli weźmie się pod uwagę przeniesienie ciężaru dowodu na podatnika? Istotnymi zagadnieniami są również implikacje cywilnoprawne (art. 6 ustawy z dnia 23 kwietnia 1964 r. – Kodeks cywilny1) i ich wpływ na postępowanie podatkowe.
EN
The subject of the article is the justification of the thesis that the differentiation of the legal situation of parents on the basis of the Act on the Large Family Card, who have established a family with at least three children violates the constitutional principle of equality before the law. On the one hand some parents are entitled to use the card without any time limit, and on the other hand there is a group of parents who also have large families, but are totally deprived of the right. According to the author of the article, the diversity does not represent any constitutionally protected value and the discrimination occurs due to the unlimited duration of the right to own the Card by eligible parents. The result of the above, as well as the fourth (another) child’s right to the Card depending on holding the Card by the parent, is discriminatory for the children born as the fourth (next) child in the family. The article is also an attempt to answer the question which way would be the best to remove the above-mentioned discrimination thus making it most coherent with the objective and content of the analyzed regulation.
EN
The mutuality of rights and duties of individual and state, resulting from citizenship, is strengthened by constitutional rule of social solidarity which forms one of the bases of Polish political system. Loss of citizenship entails consequences for individual as well as the state, a citizen of which he is. Therefore, waiving of Polish citizenship depends on both the citizen's decision and President's assent, that is supreme representative of state who represents the state in both foreign and domestic relations. The reason why President assents to waiving of citizenship is that the rule of social solidarity says about the relation between the individual and the society and consequently the state which is formed by the society. If citizenship and social solidarity mean definite bonds between the individual and the state – a citizen of which he is – the President, as the supreme representative (the head of state) should assent to break the bonds. There is not complete freedom of President's assent, though. This is so because making the decision, the President should take into account constitutional regulations concerning both the human freedom (his constitutional right to decide about his own life) and social solidarity (constitutional duties resulting from living in a society). Taking the above into consideration, the President ought to make a decision based on conflicted interests carefully balanced (on the one hand particularistic interest of individual and public interest on the other hand).
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