The aim of the article is to present a pilot study related to the construction of the Religiousness Scale. Cronbach’s tool alpha was α = 0.93, N = 165, and the study was carried out on persons studying at the University of Gdańsk and among adult residents of the Tri-City agglomeration. The article presents the relation between the measured scale of religiosity and the selected aspects that are part of the so-called “new spirituality”. The presented study also confirms the results obtained in other studies of this type, that about 40% of Poles are people who call themselves a believer – a practitioner. In addition, it turns out that even people whose religiosity is an institutional type religion does not interfere with faith in astrology or bad luck associated with the 13th on Friday.
PL
Głównym celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie skali mierzącej religijność (skali religijności). Wcześniej jednak konieczne jest przedstawienie w kilku słowach teoretycznych założeń koncepcji wspomnianej skali. Ważne jest zatem dokonanie rozróżnienia pomiędzy wiarą traktowaną jako zjawisko społeczno-kulturowe a wiarą ujmowaną jako fakt religijny. Ponadto należy pamiętać podczas analizowania kwestii związanych z wiarą, że przedmiotem badań nie jest jej treść, lecz całość zachowań, postaw, wartości będących jej wynikiem. Wiara jest w tym konteście traktowana jako system przekonań o określonej treści. Należy zaznaczyć, iż treści te nie są przedmiotem niniejszej analizy (w tym artykule).
The religiosity of Poles has been undergoing a far-reaching transformation for several years. All the research shows that less than half of the Polish society could be described as “the believers – practitioners”. The vast majority of Poles are people whose faith has individualized and is not strongly associated with the institution of the Catholic Church. In addition – as indicated by the described research – the moral assessment of another person is not related to the fact of his religiousness. The people live – to use Weber’s terms – in the disenchanted world in which they do not need clerics as interpreters of the reality.
In Charlotte Brontë’s Villette, a number of foreigners at various points express their amazement or admiration of the behaviour of Englishwomen, who, like the novel’s narrator Lucy Snowe, travel alone, visit public places unchaperoned and seem on the whole to lead much less constrained lives than their Continental counterparts. This notion was apparently quite widespread at this time, as the readings of various Victorian texts confirm – they often refer to the independence Englishwomen enjoyed, sometimes with a note of caution but often in a self-congratulatory manner. Villette, the novel which, similarly to its predecessor, The Professor, features a Protestant protagonist living in a Catholic country, makes a connection between Lucy’s Protestantism and her freedom, considered traditionally in English political discourse to be an essentially English and Protestant virtue. However, as the novel shows, in the case of women the notion of freedom is a complicated issue. While the pupils at Mme Beck’s pensionnat have to be kept in check by a sophisticated system of surveillance, whose main purpose is to keep them away from men and sex, Lucy can be trusted to behave according to the Victorian code of conduct, but only because her Protestant upbringing inculcated in her the need to control her desires. The Catholics have the Church to play the role of the disciplinarian for them, while Lucy has to grapple with and stifle her own emotions with her own hands, even when the repression is clearly the cause of her psychosomatic illness. In the end, the expectations regarding the behaviour of women in England and Labassecour are not that much different; the difference is that while young Labassecourians are controlled by the combined systems of family, school and the Church, young Englishwomen are expected to exercise a similar control on their own.
Kaszubi są mniejszością zamieszkującą północne rejony Polski. Ich tożsamość wyznaczana jest przez język, przestrzeń i pochodzenie. Podejmowane są liczne działania mające na celu kształtowanie tożsamości grupy. Działania te inicjowane są obecnie przez dwóch głównych aktorów: Zrzeszenie Kaszubsko-Pomorskie oraz Kaszëbskô Jednota. Pierwsza z organizacji podkreśla polsko-kaszubski charakter tożsamości, zaś druga dąży do uznania Kaszubów za naród i podejmuje działania skupione na kreowaniu narodowej – kaszubskiej tożsamości grupy. W artykule opisane są liczne przedsięwzięcia podejmowane przez te organizacje, które mają podtrzymy- wać, kreować kaszubskość (odmiennie przez nie pojmowaną). Tymczasem współczesna tożsamość kaszubska nie jest zero-jedynkowa, jest hybrydową tożsamością pogranicza, w której widoczne są elementy różnych kultur.
Every religion has its sacred and unsacred places. Such places are destinations of pilgrimages. Interestingly, sacredness of a place is not permanent; it may change in the course of time. In the paper, the author describes several sacred places across Poland, which is considered a Catholic country. It has its holy places – official and unofficial, Catholic and non-Catholic Christian. There is Jasna Góra, Licheń and the Zabłudów meadow, where both Catholic and Orthodox pilgrims arrived in the 1960s. There are also the stone circles in Kaszuby. In spite of other religions related to these places, it is possible to distinguish several common characteristics.
The author analyzes the activity of Kashubian-Pomeranian Association (Zrzeszenie Kaszubsko-Pomorskie, ZKP), an NGO of both ethnic and regional character. The association has existed for over 50 years and it mainly gathers people of Kashubian origin. This organization undertakes activities in two fields. Primarily, the Association fosters Kashubian ethnic identity, however it is also a very important political actor. ZKP fosters Kashubian identity by organizing a variety of folk events, Kashubian Meetings and by actively participating in the teaching of Kashubian language. It is also a real political power in the region; even as a quasi-political party it forwards and gives support to candidates in elections on different levels. Although in the Charter of the organization the activities in the field of culture is indicated as its the main focus, the organization is strongly politically biased.
PL
W artykule podjęto analizę działalności Zrzeszenia Kaszubsko-Pomorskiego, organizacji pozarządowej o charakterze etnicznym i regionalnym. Zrzeszenie istnieje ponad 50 lat i skupia głównie osoby pochodzenia kaszubskiego. Organizacja ta podejmuje działania mające na celu kreowanie tożsamości etnicznej i jednocześnie jest bardzo ważnym aktorem na scenie politycznej, będącym faktyczną „siłą” polityczną w regionie. Z jednej strony mamy do czynienia z organizacją pozarządową organizującą festyny i Zjazdy, a z drugiej strony z quasi-partią polityczną. Choć w statucie organizacji podkreślana jest działalność głównie w obszarze kultury, jest to organizacja w mocny sposób upolityczniona.
Religious education is undoubtedly one of the most controversial topics taken up in the Polish public space in recent years. The process itself and the course (two hours a week at the primary and secondary stages of education) and the fact of giving grades (counting towards the average on the school certificate) is strongly questioned, both by the interested parties (students) and people who do not directly participate in this process. The aim of the study was to check whether religiosity (measured by the Religiosity Scale) influences views on whether religion les[1]sons should (or not) take place on school premises, and whether a grade should (or not) be given in this subject and included (or not) in the average on the school certificate. The respondents (students) participating in this process at every stage of their education in the vast majority were in favor of taking religion lessons out of school and for them not to be evaluated. As assumed, religiosity measured by the Religiosity Scale (SR) influenced responses in favor of maintaining the existing status quo.
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