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EN
The problem of politics is that nobody controls it anymore, because the social formula of its acceptance is expiring, or has already expired. There is anarchy. There exist monopolies of international corporations, which try to govern globally but do not have sufficient social legitimation to do it. The notion of economic globalisation that refers to this has been developed, but in reality there is a vacuum of global management and participation (the growth of emotions over reasons, a tribal approach, and territorialism) in the prospect of growing threats (e.g. climate change, terrorism, migrations, pandemics). An average human, full of natural envy, desires that everybody can fulfil themselves in the material world the same as them, and such equality would be satisfying for them as we know that the argument about similar stomachs is universal. He or she does not want equality in spiritual realisation; here, with ease, he or she accepts that there are smarter and more talented people than them, but they will defend fiercely their equality, treating their right to it extremely seriously. Equality is a part of human faith, and practice confirms the suggestions that traditional mythical patterns cannot be eliminated without toil. Certainly, there is no threat of the end of politics. So far, all living organisms of the human kind organise themselves. The specifics of this self-organisation depend on self-determination. People will have an interest in politics as long as politics determines their security. Nowadays, we are again witnesses to disorder, revolution, desperation, and terror, so the factors that cause fear start to dominate in the moral narrative. Finally, security and directing improvement of life chances are tasks of politics and the political character. It would be a catastrophe if a problem of security returned to its pre-political state. The basic aspect of human self-determination is the organisation of every personal life according to the norms and activities allowed by the group. Theories referring to the crisis of democracy (through e.g. the dictates of fear of nuclear war, terrorism, ecologic catastrophe, a technocratic state with an expert-driven system, entertainment justified by economic-political interest groups, and losing sovereignty through complicated institutions, external networks, and sub-political social subgroups) could become true, or have already become true. The loss of reputation, credibility, and attractiveness can happen at the same time as the decline of the meaning of internalisation in social communication, which appears in the growing discouragement towards politics and the creation of subsystems that are not predictable and steerable in a democratic way because of their complexity.
EN
The paper draws on selected examples of the structure and working of the contemporary German print media, pointing to the most characteristic features of the matching process in the German press to the rapidly changing socio-economic environment, that is, the marketing of media coverage. German quality newspapers and magazines found their niche in this rapidly changing media market and have become media entities that provide broad services to the public, including that which requires in-depth analysis and information from the international space. Press despite its tabloidisation retains its influence nationwide and targeted, albeit to a limited group of customers (mostly elite) in these segments is trying to counter the general mediocrity of communication and provide not only emotional but also a fair comment and free of information and knowledge.
EN
On one hand, we shall think it over whether to regard today‘s Germany as our ally, as a strategic partner of Poland in the international arena. It is a task for politicians and their partners. On the other hand, it is worth considering who in Berlin cares about development of relations with Warsaw and who and what is this so-called Polish lobby in Germany? This, in turn, is a task for scientists. Polish lobby in Germany consists of individuals and groups, which generally might be called friends of Poland, and whose activity is based on communication strategy, which is supposed to build and maintain positive image of Poland there. These “communicators” that participate in Polish-German relations (politicians, journalists, scientists, citizens), forming an important part of the discourse about Poland in contemporary Germany, derive mostly from social movements and NGOs established before 1989. This phenomenon is associated with many factors. One of these are inspirations of the mentioned people. Media, because of their situation, hardly ever remind undoubted merits of Germany while helping Poland on its way to political integration with the Western world. This merits are a result of constant promotion of Poland as good candidate for these institutions. Since Polish accession to the EU in 2004, public opinion on both sides of the border have the right to take position regarding future of this cooperation. Contact of pragmatism dominating in Berlin with idealism originating in Warsaw caused difficulties, which have focused attention of media. It’s a shame that the media rarely mention another dimension of Polish–German relations, which is more local and less scandalous. However, several projects show a continued, large diplomatic and institutional effort of Germany to further improve relations with Poland. The question is then how we can now find and name groups of people or interest groups who are behind this successful effort?
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