Full-text resources of CEJSH and other databases are now available in the new Library of Science.
Visit https://bibliotekanauki.pl

Results found: 4

first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last

Search results

help Sort By:

help Limit search:
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
EN
Although the commander-in-chief of the Serbian army during both Balkan wars was the chief of staff, general Radomir Putnik, it was his subordinate, a mere 24 years-old Prince Aleksander. The battle of Kumanovo (23rd–24th October 1912), considered as one of the most important battles of the First Balkan War, brought him a great prestige. It seems, that Aleksander tried to strengthen his image as an honest and honorable soldier fighting in defense of his homeland and for the liberation of all South Slavs. It was an effective way of obtaining sympathy subjects, the way, which began to be used on a larger scale after taking the throne by Aleksander Karadjordjević (16th August 1921). The largest and most popular newspaper in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (since 1929 Yugoslavia), the daily “Politika” supported the official political line of the king. A very interesting aspect of this activity is its way of presenting events associated with the commemoration of the battle of Kumanovo. The cultivation of the so-called “myth of Kumanovo” was important aspect of king’s Aleksander policy, who in the face of ongoing problems and disputes in the internal policy of the country, wanted to be seen as “unifier”, soldier and hero, who was not interested in political games. Much of his subjects perceived him exactly in that way.
EN
Both the Balkan Wars and World War I, and particularly the great migration of the Serbian army during the retreat to the Corfu island, which imprinted in the collective memory as the Albanian Golgotha, were among the most important reference points in the public discourse of interwar Yugoslavia. Official government circles tried to present them as the cornerstones for the building of a unified state of the Southern Slavs. The authorities supported all the initiatives which were commemorating those events. King Alexander Karađorđević was one of the most active in this field, he repeatedly personally graced the celebration of all events and battles or honoured their heroes. However, it should be noted that the Albanian Golgotha was such an important point of reference in the public discourse of interwar Yugoslavia not only because it became a kind of an instrument in the hands of politicians, especially the king, but also – and perhaps primarily – because it grew it roots in the broader social discourse, not only in politics but also in the media and culture – literature or the arts. It is also worth  mentioning that the memory of these events was not a homogeneous one. For obvious reasons, it were the Serbs, who excelled in the worship of the Serbian soldiers, who sacrificed their blood for building a common Yugoslav state. While the attitude of Croats and Slovenes was not so clear. Therefore the cult of the Serbian army required an appropriate action from the state. One of the actions was a way of presenting these events in the daily press.The main aim of the author is to show how the cult of the sacrifice of the Serbian soldiers and civilians during World War I, and especially the mythologized Albanian Golgotha, was created and became one of the pillars on which authorities tried to build a Yugoslav identity and the prestige of the Karađorđević dynasty in the interwar period. A special attention is paid to the way of describing those events in the “Politika” daily, the most read and influential journal of interwar Yugoslavia.
PL
Both the Balkan Wars and World War I, and particularly the great migration of the Serbian army during the retreat to the Corfu island, which imprinted in the collective memory as the Albanian Golgotha, were among the most important reference points in the public discourse of interwar Yugoslavia. Official government circles tried to present them as the cornerstones for the building of a unified state of the Southern Slavs. The authorities supported all the initiatives which were commemorating those events. King Alexander Karađorđević was one of the most active in this field, he repeatedly personally graced the celebration of all events and battles or honoured their heroes. However, it should be noted that the Albanian Golgotha was such an important point of reference in the public discourse of interwar Yugoslavia not only because it became a kind of an instrument in the hands of politicians, especially the king, but also – and perhaps primarily – because it grew it roots in the broader social discourse, not only in politics but also in the media and culture – literature or the arts. It is also worth  mentioning that the memory of these events was not a homogeneous one. For obvious reasons, it were the Serbs, who excelled in the worship of the Serbian soldiers, who sacrificed their blood for building a common Yugoslav state. While the attitude of Croats and Slovenes was not so clear. Therefore the cult of the Serbian army required an appropriate action from the state. One of the actions was a way of presenting these events in the daily press. The main aim of the author is to show how the cult of the sacrifice of the Serbian soldiers and civilians during World War I, and especially the mythologized Albanian Golgotha, was created and became one of the pillars on which authorities tried to build a Yugoslav identity and the prestige of the Karađorđević dynasty in the interwar period. A special attention is paid to the way of describing those events in the “Politika” daily, the most read and influential journal of interwar Yugoslavi
EN
The Perception of Yugoslav-Bulgarian Relations in the Daily “Politika” in the Context of the Pan-Balkan Entente Concept in the First Part of the 1930s.The Yugoslav-Bulgarian rapprochement, initiated by the king Aleksandar I Karadjordjević in the early 30s of the twentieth century, with an idea of inclusion of Bulgaria to the planned Balkan Pact was one of the biggest reorientation in the Yugoslav policy at the turn of 20s and 30s. Since the end of the Great War, the eastern neighbour of Yugoslavia was treated rather as one of the greatest threats to the postwar order in the Balkans. This reorientation, resulting primarily from the geopolitical situation in Europe required propaganda action of warming the image of Bulgaria in the eyes of the Yugoslav society. This would not be possible without the support of the press, which in the first half of twentieth century, was still the most popular and definitely most accessible medium of information, which could significantly affected on the perception of current political events by the public opinion. The aim of the author was to present changes in the way of presenting the Yugoslav-Bulgarian relations in the daily Politika, the biggest and most read newspaper in the interwar Yugoslavia, in the context of political activities of king Aleksandar I towards the creation of the so-called Balkan Entente. Postrzeganie stosunków jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskich na łamach dziennika „Politika” w kontekście idei tzw. Ententy Bałkańskiej w pierwszej połowie lat 30. XX wiekuZbliżenie jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskie zainicjowane przez króla Aleksandra I Karađorđevicia w latach 30. XX w. z myślą o włączeniu Bułgarii do planowanego tzw. Paktu Bałkańskiego było jedną z najpoważniejszych reorientacji w jugosłowiańskiej polityce zagranicznej przełomu lat 20. i 30. XX w. Od zakończenia I wojny światowej wschodni sąsiad Jugosławii traktowany był raczej jako jedno z największych zagrożeń dla powojennego ładu na Bałkanach. Wspomniana reorientacja, wynikająca przede wszystkim z sytuacji geopolitycznej w ówczesnej Europie, wymagała ocieplenia wizerunku Bułgarów w oczach jugosłowiańskiego społeczeństwa. Zadanie to byłoby niemożliwe do realizacji bez wsparcia prasy, która w pierwszej połowie ubiegłego stulecia była nadal najbardziej popularnym i zdecydowanie najłatwiej dostępnym źródłem informacji mogącym realnie wpływać na odbiór bieżących wypadków politycznych przez opinię publiczną. Celem autora było przedstawienie zmiany sposobu prezentowania stosunków jugosłowiańsko-bułgarskich na łamach dziennika „Politika”, największego i najbardziej poczytnego czasopisma międzywojennej Jugosławii, w kontekście działań politycznych zmierzających do utworzenia tzw. Ententy Bałkańskiej.
first rewind previous Page / 1 next fast forward last
JavaScript is turned off in your web browser. Turn it on to take full advantage of this site, then refresh the page.