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1
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Poczucie bezpieczeństwa we współczesnym społeczeństwie polskim

100%
Łabędź K.
Facta Simonidis
|
2018
|
issue 11
45-64
PL
W tekście podjęto próbę, w oparciu o dostępne wyniki badań sondażowych, możliwie całościowego przedstawienia poczucia bezpieczeństwa w społeczeństwie polskim, z uwzględnieniem różnych aspektów bezpieczeństwa: politycznego, ekonomicznego, militarnego, społecznego, kulturowego, ekologicznego, informacyjnego, ideologicznego, powszechnego i publicznego. Oprócz pytania o poziom poczucia bezpieczeństwa postawiono pytanie o zmiany, jakim podlegało ono w ostatnich latach. W efekcie stwierdzono, że poczucie bezpieczeństwa w społeczeństwie polskim różni się ze względu na to, jakiej dziedziny bezpieczeństwa dotyczy, że jest zmienne, ale ogólnie biorąc jego poziom rośnie (choć nie jest to proces liniowy).
EN
The text makes an attempt at providing a possibly overall presentation of the sense of security in the modern Polish society based on an available survey results and taking into consideration various aspects of safety, i.e. political, economic, military, social, cultural, environmental, information, ideological, universal and public. Apart from the question of the level of the sense of security, another question was posed with regard to the changes in the said sense in the last years. As a result, it was found that the sense of security in the Polish society varies depending on which area of security it concerns; that it is variable but its level is generally rising (although this is not a linear process).
2
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AKTYWNOŚĆ OBYWATELSKA NA POZIOMIE LOKALNYM I JEJ DETERMINANTY (NA PRZYKŁADZIE KRAKOWA)

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2016
|
issue 4(14)
19-35 (17)
XX
The text presents the civil engagement of the inhabitants of Krakow, as a place that should promote a relatively high level of engagement, against the background of the low level of civil engagement across the entire country. As a result of the analysis of some of the signs of this engagement related to the system of representation, engagement of a participative character, and engagement defined as spontaneous, it has been established however, that while there are a great deal of initiatives, the number of inhabitants participating in them does not justify the conclusion that the engagement is higher than that observed across the country. The reasons for such a state of affairs include, inter alia, the politicization of the local matters, the manner of approach on the part of the local authorities and self-government administration, but above all, a lack of interest on the part of the inhabitants, resulting from the weakness of the social capital and the existing institutional opportunities for fulfilling relevant needs. The predominant motivation with regard to taking up the engagement is a threat to one’s own interest and the predominant form is by signing petitions and appeals.
3
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OPOZYCJA W VI KADENCJI SEJMU (2007–2010)

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2012
|
issue 9
176-194 (9)
4
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Krystyna Trembicka: Okrągły stół w Polsce. Studium o porozumieniu politycznym, Wyd. Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej, Lublin 2003

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2004
|
issue 1
295-301 (7)
5
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Problematyka ekologiczna w prasie drugiego obiegu wydawniczego w latach 80. XX wieku (na przykładzie wybranych tytułów)

100%
Łabędź K.
Sowiniec
|
2015
|
issue 47
65-82
EN
The text presents the basic statements concerning ecological issues published in the clandestine press that was functioning illegally in the People’s Republic of Poland in the 1980s. Initially such texts appeared relatively rarely but their frequency increased after the catastrophe in Chernobyl. The texts described the state of the natural environment – in fact, it was unanimously evaluated as very bad, one that borders on an ecological catastrophe, one that poses a threat to people’s lives and health. The blame for this state of affairs was put – also almost unanimously – on the existing system of the exercise of power and the activities of the authorities which realised an ideological project without taking into account people’s lives and health. Exerting pressure on the authorities was suggested above all as a possible remedy to the situation, although sometimes a statement was formulated that improvement requires the change of the existing system. One may claim the object of engaging ecological problems was not only to pursue the improvement of the state of the environment and to build ecological awareness but perhaps it was above all an expression of the criticism of the authorities, the criticism of the strategy of development that was embraced in the post-war period, the criticism of the activities that were engaged. The object of these texts was also to demonstrate that the existing system dismissed fundamental human rights and that it was in fact irreformable.
6
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UDZIAŁ OPOZYCJI W REALIZACJI FUNKCJI USTAWODAWCZEJ W SEJMIE VII KADENCJI

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2016
|
issue 1(14)
56-64 (9)
EN
PARTICIPATION OF THE OPPOSITION IN REALIZING THE LEGISLATIVE FUNCTION IN THE SEJM OF THE 7TH TERM
7
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Problem stosunków własności w koncepcjach opozycji politycznej w Polsce w latach 1981–1989

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2004
|
issue 1
184-205 (22)
EN
The paper presents views concerning a desired – according to various activists and oppositional parties – shape of property relations in Poland and rules to distri- bute the national product and to manage it, which are related to the former. Apart from one shared feature – the recognition of the necessity to introduce changes in the matter – the particular views differed in a number of respects, first and foremost in the proposed direction of changes – from social ownership as the main direction of the transformation, to a multi-sector economy, an economy dominated almost entirely by the private sector including restrictions on ownership to a total privatiza-tion and the absolutely free market. The particular authors perceived also differently the ways and institutional frameworks by means of which the changes recognized as desired were to be introduced. The particular parties’ conceptions were also inter-nally diversified, partly incoherent and, at least in part, changeable. A series of views on the issues were expressed within the framework of “Solidarity”, gathering many economists whose opinions differed. Apart from this, the paper relates also, among others, the views by “Solidarność Walcząca” (The Fighting Solidarity), by the or-ganization of “Wolność – Sprawiedliwość – Niepodległość” [Freedom-Justice-Independence], by Konfederacja Polski Niepodległej [Confederation of Independent Poland], Liberalno-Demokratyczna Partia “Niepodległość” [Liberal-Democratic Party “Independence”], groups invoking the social thought of the Church as well as ever more prominent liberal groups. In conclusion, one may state that the opposition as the formation which at a cer-tain point intercepted power in the state, did not have any commonly shared conception of the changes, did not dispose of an adequate programme (which was also the case in respect to other issues) being, in this sense, unprepared to take over the rule of the country.
8
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PAULINA CODOGNI: OKRĄGŁY STÓŁ CZYLI POLSKI RUBIKON WYD. PRUSZYŃSKI I S-KA, WARSZAWA 2009

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
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2010
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issue 7
262-266 (5)
9
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SPOŁECZNA OCENA PRL

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2011
|
issue 8
166-184 (10)
10
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PROCES KSZTAŁTOWANIA SIĘ DEMOKRATYCZNEJ KULTURY POLITYCZNEJ W POLSCE

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2006
|
issue 3
44-65 (11)
11
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DEMOKRACJA WEWNĄTRZZWIĄZKOWA JAKO PRZEDMIOT OBRAD KKP I KK NSZZ „SOLIDARNOŚĆ” W LATACH 1980–1981

100%
Łabędź K.
Polityka i Społeczeństwo
|
2017
|
issue 3(15)
113-128 (16)
EN
In the article, against the background of normative assumptions about intra-union democracy, the difficulties in the implementation of these assumptions are presented, especially in operation of the management of the union, as well as its causes. Some of the fundamental problems faced during debates of the National Liaison Committee (later National Committee) in the years 1980–1981, i.e. related to the degree of openness of the debates and negotiations and the status of the union's press (the degree of subordination to the union's instances), observance of statutory regulations and resolutions in the situation imposing leaving them, progressive centralization of decision-making processes (including the special status of chairman), as well as real abilities of the influence of regional authorities and member masses on the decisions, the actual role of advisers and experts in decision-making, the lack of separation of powers (unity of the union authorities). The causes of these problems were complex – some of them resulted from the ongoing strength of political conflict, some of the characteristics of the existing, centralized system of governance in the state, other from the necessity of rapid and effective action, communication difficulties, lack of appropriate competences or, finally, personality predispositions of both members of the leader-ship, as well as the ordinary members of the union. As a result, throughout the period under consideration, despite a number of achievements in the implementation of democratic principles in the union, it became impossible to fully comply with them in the management's activity.
12
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Publicystyka „Solidarności" i opozycji politycznej w Polsce w latach osiemdziesiątych wobec Kościoła katolickiego i relacji między opozycją a Kościołem

88%
Łabędź K.
Państwo i Społeczeństwo
|
2003
|
issue 1
35-50
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